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Uganda at sixty-four years: Who have been her leaders?

Uganda’s history demonstrates that power can either serve society or destroy it. When exercised responsibly, it promotes peace, development, justice and human dignity. When abused, it breeds fear, poverty and institutional failure, writes Prof. Tarsis Kabwegyere

Prof. Tarsis Kabwegyere. (Courtesy)
By: Admin ., Journalist @New Vision

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OPINION

By Prof. Tarsis Kabwegyere

The anatomy and physiology of leadership in Uganda during its sixty-four years of independence cannot be adequately examined in a single article. This period has been characterised by numerous episodes of political drama, conflict, achievement and failure. It is painful to reflect on Uganda’s history and to ask whether the country has learnt enough from it’s past to prevent future tragedies.

Benedicto Kiwanuka won the 1961 elections and became Uganda’s first Chief Minister during the period of self-government. The Democratic Party (DP) was entrusted with the first responsibility of leading the country towards independence. However, Kiwanuka faced the considerable disadvantages associated with attempting to take power from a colonial system that had ruled Uganda since 1900 and had failed to prepare the country adequately for a stable democratic transition.

British colonial rule was already losing its influence across the empire. India had gained independence in 1947, and other colonies were also moving towards self-government. Kiwanuka’s rise to the centre of power was therefore historically significant. Nevertheless, he faced deep political and cultural obstacles. He was a Catholic, a Muganda and a Muganda who appeared to stand above the Kabaka—an idea that many people in Buganda considered culturally unacceptable.

The elections of 1961 and 1962 brought the principal actors onto Uganda’s political stage: Benedicto Kiwanuka of the Democratic Party, Milton Obote of the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), and Sir Edward Mutesa II, the Kabaka of Buganda and leader of Kabaka Yekka (KY).

The alliance between the UPC and Kabaka Yekka prevented direct elections from taking place in Buganda. Instead, the Lukiiko selected Buganda’s representatives to Parliament. This arrangement seriously weakened the democratic foundation of the newly independent state. Uganda’s independence therefore began amid political compromises that would later prove difficult to sustain.

Milton Obote and Kabaka Yekka formed an uneasy alliance. Sir Edward Mutesa became the first President of Uganda, while Obote became Prime Minister. The alliance soon became strained, particularly over the question of the lost counties. The dispute remained unresolved despite the passage of legislation intended to provide a legal framework for addressing it.

By 1965, the political relationship between Obote and Mutesa had deteriorated. The conflict culminated in the constitutional crisis of 1966, when Obote’s government attacked the Kabaka’s palace. Mutesa was forced into exile, and Obote assumed full control of the state. This marked a decisive turning point in Uganda’s political history and a serious setback for constitutional democracy.

Obote continued to rule until 1971, when he was overthrown by Idi Amin Dada, then a senior army commander. The first decade after independence had already revealed the fragility of Uganda’s political institutions. The 1971 coup deepened that crisis and ushered in one of the darkest periods in the country’s history.

The Amin period, from 1971 to 1979, was marked by grave human rights abuses, political repression, economic decline, insecurity and the destruction of institutions. The suffering of Ugandans during this period is difficult to describe adequately. It is therefore troubling when that era is sometimes discussed in overly positive terms. Although life continued and some developments took place, the country experienced enormous loss and trauma.

In 1979, Amin was overthrown by the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF), with military assistance from Tanzania. Yusuf Kironde Lule became President but remained in office for only sixty-eight days. His short tenure reflected the deep divisions and institutional weaknesses within the UNLF. His failure to manage the political realities of the time led to his removal.

Godfrey Binaisa was appointed President after Lule’s departure. However, his administration also struggled to establish authority and maintain political stability. His tenure was characterised by growing tensions within the UNLF and the military establishment. Eventually, the Military Commission took control as the UNLF government continued to weaken.

Elections were subsequently held in 1980, and the Uganda People’s Congress returned to power under Milton Obote. The elections, however, were highly contested, and many Ugandans questioned their credibility. Obote’s second administration soon faced armed opposition, political instability and widespread violence.

In 1985, Obote was overthrown by his army commander, General Tito Okello. The Okello government lasted only a short time. On 26 January 1986, the National Resistance Movement (NRM), led by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, took power and brought an end to another period of political and military turmoil.

The period from 1986 to 2026 represents the longest period of political continuity in Uganda’s post-independence history. A large majority of Uganda’s current population has been born and raised during this period. The difference between Uganda of 1962, 1971, 1979 or 1985 and the Uganda of today is therefore undeniable.

The country has recorded significant progress during the last forty years. There have been improvements in infrastructure, education, health services, communications, private-sector development and access to technology. Uganda has also experienced greater institutional continuity than during the first twenty-four years after independence.

However, continuity should not be mistaken for perfection. The NRM period has also faced serious challenges, including concerns about democratic accountability, the concentration of political power, corruption, inequality, human rights and the strength of public institutions. Success can become a tragedy when it leads to complacency. For progress to continue, the country must work harder, more consistently and more responsibly than before.

Uganda’s leaders must therefore consider what guarantees can be offered to citizens who are alive today and to those who will be born in the next sixty-four years. Have we learnt enough from the weaknesses and mistakes of the past? Are our institutions strong enough to prevent the abuse of power? Can political transitions take place peacefully and constitutionally? These are not merely academic questions; they concern the country’s survival and future prosperity.

Uganda’s history demonstrates that power can either serve society or destroy it. When power is used responsibly, it can promote peace, development, justice and human dignity. When it is abused, it produces powerlessness, fear, poverty and social disorder. Ultimately, the misuse of power can push a nation into conditions that are unacceptable for any human society.

The leaders who have governed Uganda since independence have left different legacies. Benedicto Kiwanuka represented the early promise of democratic politics. Milton Obote symbolised both the possibilities and dangers of post-independence leadership. Sir Edward Mutesa represented the historical and cultural importance of Buganda within Uganda’s national politics. Idi Amin’s rule remains a warning about the consequences of military dictatorship and the unchecked abuse of power. Yusuf Lule, Godfrey Binaisa and Tito Okello governed during periods of transition and instability. Yoweri Museveni and the NRM have presided over the longest period of continuity and development in the country’s modern history.

Each of these leaders belongs to Uganda’s history, and each period must be examined honestly. History should not be used merely to praise or condemn individuals. It should help Ugandans understand the consequences of political decisions, institutional weaknesses, social divisions and the misuse of authority.

As Uganda celebrates sixty-four years of independence, the country must look beyond ceremonies and slogans. Independence is not only the absence of colonial rule. It is also the ability of citizens and institutions to protect human dignity, uphold the rule of law, manage public resources responsibly and ensure peaceful political succession.

The Uganda of the future will be shaped by the lessons the country chooses to learn from its past. The next sixty-four years should not be defined by the same cycles of conflict, repression and institutional failure that marked earlier decades. The country must strengthen accountability, protect democratic institutions, promote national unity and ensure that public power is exercised for the common good.

Congratulations to all Ugandans on the sixty-fourth anniversary of independence. Let us work harder than ever to secure a better future for Uganda. Above all, let us avoid the misuse of power, because power used improperly produces powerlessness, destroys institutions and condemns societies to suffering.

Power is beneficial when it is exercised responsibly. When it is abused, it becomes a source of misery and can turn society into hell.

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