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Post-election challenges facing NRM, opposition
The challenge facing NRM relates largely to the emergence of the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU). Over the years, the NRM leadership has been careful to avoid the emergence of a multiplicity of power centres within the party, though the organisation describes itself as multi-ideological.
John Kakande.
By: Admin ., Journalist @New Vision
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OPINION
By John Kakande
As the post-election dust settles down, new challenges are emerging for the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the Opposition that are likely to shape the country’s political direction in the coming short or medium term.
The challenge facing NRM relates largely to the emergence of the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU). Over the years, the NRM leadership has been careful to avoid the emergence of a multiplicity of power centres within the party, though the organisation describes itself as multi-ideological. In the 6th Parliament, there was an organisation called the Young Parliamentary Association (YPA) headed by Onyango Kakoba, who represented one of the constituencies in Buikwe.
The YPA became influential because it included all the first-term MPs, many of them firebrands, such as John Kazoora, Winnie Byanyima, Beatrice Kiraso, Ruth Nankabirwa, Wandera Ogalo, Emmanuel Dombo, Proscovia Salaamu Musumba, Naome Kabasharira, Adolf Mwesige, etc. The YPA positioned itself as an independent parliamentary group outside the direct control or influence of the Executive. It was also bipartisan, bringing together members supporting the Movement and the multi-partyists. Largely due to the activities of YPA, the 6th Parliament was one of the most vibrant legislatures in Uganda’s history.
The YPA, among other things, masterminded the censure of ministers Jim Muhwezi and Sam Kutesa. Two other ministers, Kirunda Kivejinja and Matthew Rukikaire, were forced to resign to avoid censure. When Col. Kizza Besigye decided to stand against President Museveni in 2001, he sought the support of the YPA. Unfortunately for him, President Museveni had already neutralised the YPA through a series of political actions.
Realising the influence of YPA, President Museveni moved to bring the organisation under his control. He appointed a number of YPA firebrands to the Cabinet. This threw the YPA off balance. The leading YPA figures Besigye had banked on to support his presidential bid declined and threw their weight behind Museveni. I won’t name names. The YPA’s leading figures that remained defiant were systematically targeted in the 2001 elections and ousted from their seats. Efforts to resuscitate YPA in the 7th Parliament were futile; YPA died a natural death and was buried in an unmarked grave. The Movement Caucus and subsequently the NRM Caucus, which is among the formal NRM structures, became supreme.
The PLU’s rise on the political scene brings new dynamics. No doubt, the PLU commands a wide following within the NRM party. PLU has created a contradiction within NRM and has the potential either to cause a split within or ‘swallow’ the NRM. Already, there appear to be some conflicts between the two allied forces. Will President Museveni resort to the script he used to manage YPA in the late 1990s to deal with PLU? Your guess is as good as mine! For the Opposition, there is an unprecedented crisis of leadership, with some leading opposition leaders incarcerated in prison and the NUP principal involuntarily out of the country.
Robert Kyagulanyi, the leader of the National Unity Platform (NUP), left the country days after the presidential election, alleging threats to his life. This has had consequences, including causing a leadership vacuum in his party. The problem has been aggravated by the fact that NUP’s most vibrant deputy president, Muwanga Kivumbi, is in prison facing terrorism charges. The party now appears to be grappling in a dark political alley. There is no one to lead the charge. Besigye, another influential opposition figure, is also in prison on treason charges, while his ally and political heir-apparent, Erias Lukwago, the leader of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), was recently slapped with the Misprision of treason charges. It is not far-fetched to argue that the opposition has been decapitated.
The YPA became influential because it included all the first-term MPs, many of them firebrands, such as John Kazoora, Winnie Byanyima, Beatrice Kiraso, Ruth Nankabirwa, Wandera Ogalo, Emmanuel Dombo, Proscovia Salaamu Musumba, Naome Kabasharira, Adolf Mwesige, etc. The YPA positioned itself as an independent parliamentary group outside the direct control or influence of the Executive. It was also bipartisan, bringing together members supporting the Movement and the multi-partyists. Largely due to the activities of YPA, the 6th Parliament was one of the most vibrant legislatures in Uganda’s history.
The YPA, among other things, masterminded the censure of ministers Jim Muhwezi and Sam Kutesa. Two other ministers, Kirunda Kivejinja and Matthew Rukikaire, were forced to resign to avoid censure. When Col. Kizza Besigye decided to stand against President Museveni in 2001, he sought the support of the YPA. Unfortunately for him, President Museveni had already neutralised the YPA through a series of political actions.
Realising the influence of YPA, President Museveni moved to bring the organisation under his control. He appointed a number of YPA firebrands to the Cabinet. This threw the YPA off balance. The leading YPA figures Besigye had banked on to support his presidential bid declined and threw their weight behind Museveni. I won’t name names. The YPA’s leading figures that remained defiant were systematically targeted in the 2001 elections and ousted from their seats. Efforts to resuscitate YPA in the 7th Parliament were futile; YPA died a natural death and was buried in an unmarked grave. The Movement Caucus and subsequently the NRM Caucus, which is among the formal NRM structures, became supreme.
The PLU’s rise on the political scene brings new dynamics. No doubt, the PLU commands a wide following within the NRM party. PLU has created a contradiction within NRM and has the potential either to cause a split within or ‘swallow’ the NRM. Already, there appear to be some conflicts between the two allied forces. Will President Museveni resort to the script he used to manage YPA in the late 1990s to deal with PLU? Your guess is as good as mine! For the Opposition, there is an unprecedented crisis of leadership, with some leading opposition leaders incarcerated in prison and the NUP principal involuntarily out of the country.
Robert Kyagulanyi, the leader of the National Unity Platform (NUP), left the country days after the presidential election, alleging threats to his life. This has had consequences, including causing a leadership vacuum in his party. The problem has been aggravated by the fact that NUP’s most vibrant deputy president, Muwanga Kivumbi, is in prison facing terrorism charges. The party now appears to be grappling in a dark political alley. There is no one to lead the charge. Besigye, another influential opposition figure, is also in prison on treason charges, while his ally and political heir-apparent, Erias Lukwago, the leader of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), was recently slapped with the Misprision of treason charges. It is not far-fetched to argue that the opposition has been decapitated.
The Opposition has an uphill task to reverse this major setback, reorganise and mount a serious challenge. The problem is that the split in the opposition remains deep. A section of the opposition is now seeking to work with the NRM and would not hesitate to take up government appointments. There is a lot of mistrust among the opposition leaders and actors. Some opposition outfits and actors are suspected of receiving funding from the Government. Thus, the Opposition has an unenviable task on its hands.
The writer is a veteran journalist
The writer is a veteran journalist