New FDC must denounce old politics of violence

By Sam Akaki

In the UK, if Tony Blair had not taken over the Labour party and abolished the antiquated Clause 1V of the 1917 party constitution; thus creating ‘New Labour’, the old party would have today been in opposition for 33 years, and sliding into the abyss.

Because of Blair’s bold initiative, ‘New Labour’ won the May 1997 elections. They won two further elections in 2001 and 2005 before Blair retired in 2007.

The looming Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) leadership contest offers it an opportunity to produce its own ‘Tony Blair’, who will have to rid the party of its old habits, with a narrow core group, have become totally out of step with the prevailing political and social realities.

I applaud reports of the on-going engagement of President Museveni and Dr Kizza Besigye to agree on an agenda for ‘talks about peace talks.’

According to these reports, each of the two principals has set a minimum condition for the talks.

Dr Besigye does not have to meet the President. He has already announced that he will step down any time now.

However, for its self-interest, FDC as a party has a moral and political responsibility to clear the ground and make life easy for Dr Besigye’s successor by pronouncing itself on the alleged plans to use violence as an alternative means to achieve power. Why?

Since its birth, FDC has been widely suspected of nurturing an armed rebellion. The People’s Redemption Army (PRA) saga over which many people lost their lives and freedom in vain, and the mysterious demise of former UPDF Colonel Edison Muzoora, are two specific issues that have been feeding the toxic suspicion that FDC is planning for rebellion.

This poisonous suspicion will not go away just because Dr Besigye has stepped down. After all, Col Muzoora allegedly died in a district FDC chairman’s house. The Movement government is likely to continue to use this suspicion to frustrate the legitimate activities of the new leadership.

Where is the evidence?
On December 27, 2011, one of the dailies in Uganda published a report stating that, ‘walk- to-work reloaded, meaning opposition is arming’, which quoted the Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura as saying ‘intelligence reports show some people want to smuggle in guns to shoot people during demonstrations and say it is the security that has shot people so that they can attract NATO help. That is why they have called the next phase of protests as walk-to-work reloaded.

FDC should denounce violence not only to detoxicate the party of suspicion. The following check-list will also confirm that the use of violence to achieve power is not a viable option in Uganda.

Locally, which Ugandan would like to see their region turned into another Luweero Triangle or Northern Uganda?

Regionally, which neighbouring country would offer a rear-base for an armed rebellion in Uganda?

Continentally, will the African Union sit back, as they did over Libya and watch as armed rebels march towards Kampala?

And internationally, will the UN Security Council support a resolution authorising UN intervention under Chapter VII to use of force to protect Ugandan civilians and rebels?

As their asymmetrical responses to the events in Libya, Syria, Egypt and Yemen have eloquently demonstrated, the international community does not necessarily regard all overt and covert armed groups as pro-democracy fighters.

That was why London, Washington and Brussels used silence to diplomatically shout their support for the government crackdown on the so-called ‘walk to work demonstrators.’

The ‘New FDC’ leadership will also need to take these prerequisites steps to break with the past in order to move towards the State House.

Government in waiting
The primary purpose of any opposition party is to present to the country and the donor community a credible shadow cabinet or government in waiting, ready to run the affairs of state at short notice.

For all his efforts and personal sacrifices, it is hard to see how Dr Kizza Besigye would have formed a coherent and capable government if he had won the February 2011 elections.

Apart from Beti Kamya, the former shadow agriculture minister, who used to present compelling arguments, most of FDC’s shadow ministers have been noticeable by their silence.

Everyone has become the secretary for information and national guidance, speaking for the party on anything including the fact that Dr Besigye was seriously with persistent flu-like conditions, which forced him to rush to New York for treatment.

With friends like these, who needs enemies? No wonder Dr Besigye had to directly contact the press to reassure everyone that he was well.

To present a credible government in waiting, the ‘New FDC’ leadership will have to demand a monthly report from every shadow cabinet minister regarding their alternative programmes for the country. Those policed must be presented to the public for scrutiny. It is not good enough just criticising the Movement.

Conviction, not gesture politics.
The decision by the FDC leadership to refuse to recognise the Electoral Commission, while registering and participating in the 2011 elections supervised by the same commission could not have been anything other than gesture politics, therefore inconsequential.

It was also gesture politics for the FDC to issue an ultimatum to its MPs to return the sh20m. Several MPs denounced the ultimatum; forcing the party into a humiliating climb-down on the matter.

The ‘New FDC’ leadership will have to make up its mind whether to recognise the Electoral Commission as constituted or boycott the next elections. That is conviction, and Ugandans are watching and waiting.

Corruption and tribalism

Not only have many FDC leaders complained that the party is drowning in institutional corruption and tribalism in the management of party affairs and selection of candidates and shadow cabinet positions. 

Others have also declared that no one from the west should be elected the next party president or presidential candidate because too many party and national leaders are from the west.

If that argument is taken to its logical conclusion, then people from north and south should be excluded too. While the east has not had a president since independence, the north has already had four or five if Obote is counted twice.

The south has had four presidents: Edward Mustesa, Yusuf Lule, Godfrey Binaisa and Paul Mwanga.

The ‘New FDC’ leaders will have to ensure that party positions at all levels are filled by the most-qualified people regardless of their tribe or ethnic groups.

Unique selling point

Many Ugandans will find it hard to choose between FDC and the Movement parliamentary candidates, come the 2016.

Soon after the 2011 elections, FDC MPs joined the NRM colleagues in demanding for millions of shillings in allowances and salaries, which brought their total income close to $70,000 per year. It was also reported last year that FDC MPs had supported a secret proposal to increase their pay to almost $90,000 per year.