One year later: Lessons from the Buganda riots
ONE year ago, Kampala City was shaken by riots sparked off when the Government stopped Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi from visiting Kayunga district.
By Asuman Bisiika
ONE year ago, Kampala City was shaken by riots sparked off when the Government stopped Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi from visiting Kayunga district.
The Government switched off some Luganda radios including Radio Sapentia, Akaboozi, Suubi FM and Buganda Kingdom’s Central Broadcasting Services (CBS) accusing them of inciting the riot.
All the other radio stations are back on air except CBS despite several initiatives aimed at an amicable settlement.
On September 10, 2009, President Museveni met Members of Parliament from Buganda Kingdom. And on September 15, Museveni met the Kabaka at State House Entebbe.
While addressing the MPs from Buganda, Museveni was very candid and narrated the history of the friction between Mengo and the Central Government dating back to 1952.
“I have come to address you about the sustained unconstitutional behaviour of His Highness Kabaka Mutebi, the Buganda Kingdom officials and the Kabaka’s Radio, CBS,†Museveni said.
Museveni likened the riots to the political situation before independence. He said while the rest of the country voted for the MPs directly in the lead-up to independence, Buganda MPs were voted by the Lukiiko that constituted itself into an Electoral College.
“The Lukiiko itself was elected under disgusting intimidation,†he said. “The intimidation included boycotts of businesses, cutting people’s crops, etc. It is amazing that CBS, working with the (Betty) Namboze(s), has revived this. It will not be allowed to continue, you can be sure of this,†an emphatic Museveni said.
He added: “Then, Mengo formed an alliance with UPC (omukago) based on that dishonest formula where UPC believed they were using KY and vice-versa. The federal and semi-federal (federo) arrangements they constructed amounted to having states within states in such a small country like Uganda.â€
“It was the paralysis in the constitutional arrangements of the 1962 Ugandan Constitution, plus UPC’s lack of straight forwardness and their double standards that, eventually, caused the 1966 crisis and all the subsequent tragic events. By 1986, about 800,000 Ugandans had died through the extra-judicial violence that followed those mistakesâ€.
Museveni warned protesters against rioting. “When an illegal assembly is riotous, those who organise these assemblies or participate in them should know what, not only the law of Uganda says, but also be aware of international practices in the circumstances.â€
Museveni’s comment was based on Provision 9 of the United Nations Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement officials. It states: “Law enforcement officials shall not use fire arms against persons except in self-defence or defence of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury, to prevent the perpetration of a particularly serious crime involving grave threat to life, to arrest a person presenting such a danger and resisting their authority, or to prevent his or her escape, and only when less extreme means are insufficient to achieve these objectives. In any event, intentional lethal use of firearms may only be made when strictly, unavoidable in order to protect life.â€
Museveni then put forward several suggestions to resolve the friction between the Central Government and kingdom authorities. He proposed strict enforcement of the principle of separating cultural institutions from politics.
“In order to do that, we are going to expeditiously bring a law that will operationalise Article 246 in greater detail so that the demarcation of roles is clear. If the problems persist, there are a number of other steps and measures the Government will take to resolve this matter once and for all time.â€
Museveni explained that while in the bush, especially during the Kikunyu Conference of 1982, the NRM openly rejected Andrew Kayiira’s position of talking about monarchies. “We said we were fighting for the freedom of Ugandans; once the Ugandans had got their freedom, they would decide on what to do.
That was our position. Our major points were captured in the 10-Point Programme. Therefore, those liars who say that we committed ourselves to monarchism in the bush should be disregarded.â€
He continued: “Many senior Baganda leaders came to see me about this issue. I sought guarantees from them that the monarchies, when restored, will never meddle in politics again, as happened in the 1960s and before.â€
Lessons
Between September 11, 2009 and now, the most conspicuous response by the Mengo establishment has been the virtual and direct political challenge to President Museveni and the National Resistance Movement.
The spirit of challenging President Museveni has funneled into a loose political activist movement called Suubi 2011. This is a loose amalgam of individuals whose main political platform is the promotion of Buganda interests in the national arena.
The fact that some Buganda Kingdom officials have left their day jobs to join politics under the banner of ‘Suubi 2011’ is instructive on both Buganda’s strategic posturing and national politics.
But the challenge, like has been since 1952, remains the same: how can Baganda promote Buganda interests in the national political narrative without appearing like tribal chauvinists? There is also the fear that consistent political confrontation is likely to force the Central Government to rally the entire nation against Buganda interest.
A year after the September 11 riots, there is a great need for a calm review and reflection.
A cursory assessment gives the impression that both Buganda and the Government have dug in. But what is the strategic end game for this dig-in? Or to put it another way, how far are both sides willing to go in this contest?
ONE year ago, Kampala City was shaken by riots sparked off when the Government stopped Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi from visiting Kayunga district.
The Government switched off some Luganda radios including Radio Sapentia, Akaboozi, Suubi FM and Buganda Kingdom’s Central Broadcasting Services (CBS) accusing them of inciting the riot.
All the other radio stations are back on air except CBS despite several initiatives aimed at an amicable settlement.
On September 10, 2009, President Museveni met Members of Parliament from Buganda Kingdom. And on September 15, Museveni met the Kabaka at State House Entebbe.
While addressing the MPs from Buganda, Museveni was very candid and narrated the history of the friction between Mengo and the Central Government dating back to 1952.
“I have come to address you about the sustained unconstitutional behaviour of His Highness Kabaka Mutebi, the Buganda Kingdom officials and the Kabaka’s Radio, CBS,†Museveni said.
Museveni likened the riots to the political situation before independence. He said while the rest of the country voted for the MPs directly in the lead-up to independence, Buganda MPs were voted by the Lukiiko that constituted itself into an Electoral College.
“The Lukiiko itself was elected under disgusting intimidation,†he said. “The intimidation included boycotts of businesses, cutting people’s crops, etc. It is amazing that CBS, working with the (Betty) Namboze(s), has revived this. It will not be allowed to continue, you can be sure of this,†an emphatic Museveni said.
He added: “Then, Mengo formed an alliance with UPC (omukago) based on that dishonest formula where UPC believed they were using KY and vice-versa. The federal and semi-federal (federo) arrangements they constructed amounted to having states within states in such a small country like Uganda.â€
“It was the paralysis in the constitutional arrangements of the 1962 Ugandan Constitution, plus UPC’s lack of straight forwardness and their double standards that, eventually, caused the 1966 crisis and all the subsequent tragic events. By 1986, about 800,000 Ugandans had died through the extra-judicial violence that followed those mistakesâ€.
Museveni warned protesters against rioting. “When an illegal assembly is riotous, those who organise these assemblies or participate in them should know what, not only the law of Uganda says, but also be aware of international practices in the circumstances.â€
Museveni’s comment was based on Provision 9 of the United Nations Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement officials. It states: “Law enforcement officials shall not use fire arms against persons except in self-defence or defence of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury, to prevent the perpetration of a particularly serious crime involving grave threat to life, to arrest a person presenting such a danger and resisting their authority, or to prevent his or her escape, and only when less extreme means are insufficient to achieve these objectives. In any event, intentional lethal use of firearms may only be made when strictly, unavoidable in order to protect life.â€
Museveni then put forward several suggestions to resolve the friction between the Central Government and kingdom authorities. He proposed strict enforcement of the principle of separating cultural institutions from politics.
“In order to do that, we are going to expeditiously bring a law that will operationalise Article 246 in greater detail so that the demarcation of roles is clear. If the problems persist, there are a number of other steps and measures the Government will take to resolve this matter once and for all time.â€
Museveni explained that while in the bush, especially during the Kikunyu Conference of 1982, the NRM openly rejected Andrew Kayiira’s position of talking about monarchies. “We said we were fighting for the freedom of Ugandans; once the Ugandans had got their freedom, they would decide on what to do.
That was our position. Our major points were captured in the 10-Point Programme. Therefore, those liars who say that we committed ourselves to monarchism in the bush should be disregarded.â€
He continued: “Many senior Baganda leaders came to see me about this issue. I sought guarantees from them that the monarchies, when restored, will never meddle in politics again, as happened in the 1960s and before.â€
Lessons
Between September 11, 2009 and now, the most conspicuous response by the Mengo establishment has been the virtual and direct political challenge to President Museveni and the National Resistance Movement.
The spirit of challenging President Museveni has funneled into a loose political activist movement called Suubi 2011. This is a loose amalgam of individuals whose main political platform is the promotion of Buganda interests in the national arena.
The fact that some Buganda Kingdom officials have left their day jobs to join politics under the banner of ‘Suubi 2011’ is instructive on both Buganda’s strategic posturing and national politics.
But the challenge, like has been since 1952, remains the same: how can Baganda promote Buganda interests in the national political narrative without appearing like tribal chauvinists? There is also the fear that consistent political confrontation is likely to force the Central Government to rally the entire nation against Buganda interest.
A year after the September 11 riots, there is a great need for a calm review and reflection.
A cursory assessment gives the impression that both Buganda and the Government have dug in. But what is the strategic end game for this dig-in? Or to put it another way, how far are both sides willing to go in this contest?