Help Acholi rediscover themselves
Sep 17, 2003
The NRA victory should have been followed by a face-saving offer for Acholi to accept the new reality
Your Platform
Mr President, there is one more approach to ending the northern Uganda conflict that needs exploration –– just tell the Acholi people that they are a great people and show that you mean those words.
The Joseph Kony war has many faces. One of these facets that needs appreciation is the cultural dimension of the war. This entails understanding the Acholi people. Now, who are the Acholi? A dark skinned, tall and violent luo-speaking tribe who live in northern Uganda?
This is too simplistic a description. One must understand the psyche of the Acholi. A better understanding of the Acholi would give vital clues that would probably lead to better policies on ending the 17-year-old conflict in northern Uganda.
The Kony war is not a war aimed at toppling the government. Joseph Kony is not fighting to overrun Kampala. he is not interested in becoming the president of Uganda.
At the heart of the northern war is the fight for Acholi ethnic identity. This is the reason the objectives of Kony’s Lord Resistance Army (LRA) remain vague. The northern war cannot end without addressing the question of Acholi identity.
Anthropological and ethnographic studies that give useful information about the Acholi are available. It is important to understand the distinctiveness of ethnic groups. This is part of Africa’s diversity that puzzled the western world right from colonial times to the present day.
Failure to appreciate this has frustrated many well intentioned politicians, programmes and projects in Africa.
Is this tribalism? Yes and no. “Tribalism†just like “sex†has been skewed to suggest evil when it is not.
The colonialists demonised tribalism because tribes posed an obstacle to creating big economic zones for the exploitation of African resources. The post-independence African leaders are still playing the parrot to this colonial mischief. Ethnicity should be seen in its true and positive light.
We are to blame for letting politicians harness the powerful force of ethnicity for evil. Some academics argue that what we call tribes are actually nations. The word “tribe†was used by colonialists to undermine the African people.
Let me suggest a simple ethnographic profile of the Acholi people. They are one of the most culturally cohesive group in the country, with a tight ethnic fabric than most ethnic groupings in Uganda. At Makerere University, it is not uncommon to see Acholi students moving in groups of four, five or seven.
The Acholi students association at University has one of biggest memberships. Perhaps only second to Nkoba-za-mbogo, the Buganda student’s association. An Acholi, even one with national and international exposure, is more likely to marry a fellow Acholi.
The Acholi are very convinced of their cultural superiority. It was drummed into their psyche from childhood.
Every year at the University’s cultural gala, which features traditional dances, songs and other performances, either the Acholi or the Baganda win. Records would show that the Acholi have won most times.
An Acholi traditional dance is more likely to attract and retain attention than most traditional dances in Uganda. The Acholi language probably has the richest reservoir of poetry, songs, stories, riddles and symbolism in Uganda (read the works of Okot p’ Bitek and other Acholi writers)
Acholi people have a tradition of military bravery that is only comparable to that of the Scots. Americans and Canadians of Scottish descent constitute a single group with the most decorated officers in the US armed forces. During the American civil war (1861-1865) it took the intervention of German mercenaries to turn the tide against confederate forces –– who had many officers and men of Scottish descent –– and save the Union that constitutes the US.
The Acholi have dominated Uganda’s army since colonial times. This is not merely an accident of British colonial administration policy as Uganda’s historians would have us believe. There is a cultural dimension to it.
Acholi probably constitute the highest ethnic representation in the officers and men of the UPDF, excluding top commanders.
The Acholi formed the bulk of Uganda’s fighting force which ousted Idi Amin in 1979. Those who witnessed the Luwero Triangle War (1981-1985) are more likely to remember Acholi soldiers than any other tribes. The Acholi language usage is probably loaded with more connotations relating to fighting, hunting, attack and similar words than any ethnic group in Uganda.
With this brief background, the response of the Acholi to what they see as betrayal by the Movement government should be understandable. The aforementioned see the Movement as not only having betrayed them, but also negated their identity.
When Yoweri Museveni defeated the Acholi-led government in Kampala in 1986, it was not only a betrayal of the Acholi peace gestures (the Nairobi peace talks of 1985) to Museveni, but also a violation of Acholi identity.
You will recall that by toppling Obote, Acholi aspired to be an important process to bring reconciliation to Uganda. That is why Museveni was invited out of the Bush on the day Obote fell. Obote fell because of failure to recognise the Acholi identity in appointing the army chief of staff.
The issue of identity is crucial to humanity and a man will do anything to establish his identity. In fact, ethnic identity has played a prominent role in Uganda’s conflicts since independence. When Milton Obote abolished the Buganda Monarchy in 1966 and exiled Fred Mutesa, Buganda’s King, the most important thing Obote had denied the Baganda was their identity.
The Baganda remained restless and hollow for many years. When the chance to fight Obote came in Luwero Triangle, they did it with all their hearts. The fight was really to regain the Buganda ethnic identity and the institution that embodies it. The Acholi or any other group are no exception.
The Acholi ethnic construct exalts tribe above other aspects of group identity. To the Acholi tribe is priority. This explains the low levels of nationalism and patriotism among the Acholi people. Such ethnic identity structure poses severe limitations on the Acholi to adjust to new political and other realities.
In fact, analyists say that the Acholi ethnic approach to issues and their deficiency in nationalist trait was why the Okello government failed to keep a coalition of forces opposed to Obote.
So, when Museveni marched into Kampala and toppled the six-month Acholi-led government, the stage for the conflict that is now 17 years old was set. The quest to preserve Acholi identity began with Angelo Okello of UPDA, who made peace with the government but died after surrender.
It was followed by Alice Lakwena who ran out of steam. Joseph Kony took over and proved resilient. Some Acholi say that even if Joseph Kony were to die or be captured, some one else would rise in his stead. This might sound strange, until one acknowledges that Joseph Kony is, to a section of Acholi, a symbol of Acholi resistance and bravery.
That is why it is difficult for some Acholi politicians to condemn Kony. And that’s the reason Kony’s objective for fighting remains hazy. It cannot easily be articulated because it has to do with an identity crisis. “Talk to Kony†is what will be said over and over by Acholi politicians, elite and religious leaders.
Government should consider helping the Acholi re-discover their identity, that is the true road map to peace in the north. How this can be done is another subject. Guns are useless in solving conflicts of this nature. If the northern war becomes an agenda on the UN security council, that would be an embarrassment to Uganda.
The victory of the NRA in 1986 should have been followed by a face-saving offer for the vanquished to accept the new reality, that is where the NRM failed. The Acholi were humiliated in many ways. It is as if the response is: “Look! We are also men. To prove it, sons of Acholi who took to the bush will fight and fight.†It is immaterial to them that children are abducted, women raped, civilians maimed or killed, as long as a point is proved.
Joe Nam
Kampala
Mr President, there is one more approach to ending the northern Uganda conflict that needs exploration –– just tell the Acholi people that they are a great people and show that you mean those words.
The Joseph Kony war has many faces. One of these facets that needs appreciation is the cultural dimension of the war. This entails understanding the Acholi people. Now, who are the Acholi? A dark skinned, tall and violent luo-speaking tribe who live in northern Uganda?
This is too simplistic a description. One must understand the psyche of the Acholi. A better understanding of the Acholi would give vital clues that would probably lead to better policies on ending the 17-year-old conflict in northern Uganda.
The Kony war is not a war aimed at toppling the government. Joseph Kony is not fighting to overrun Kampala. he is not interested in becoming the president of Uganda.
At the heart of the northern war is the fight for Acholi ethnic identity. This is the reason the objectives of Kony’s Lord Resistance Army (LRA) remain vague. The northern war cannot end without addressing the question of Acholi identity.
Anthropological and ethnographic studies that give useful information about the Acholi are available. It is important to understand the distinctiveness of ethnic groups. This is part of Africa’s diversity that puzzled the western world right from colonial times to the present day.
Failure to appreciate this has frustrated many well intentioned politicians, programmes and projects in Africa.
Is this tribalism? Yes and no. “Tribalism†just like “sex†has been skewed to suggest evil when it is not.
The colonialists demonised tribalism because tribes posed an obstacle to creating big economic zones for the exploitation of African resources. The post-independence African leaders are still playing the parrot to this colonial mischief. Ethnicity should be seen in its true and positive light.
We are to blame for letting politicians harness the powerful force of ethnicity for evil. Some academics argue that what we call tribes are actually nations. The word “tribe†was used by colonialists to undermine the African people.
Let me suggest a simple ethnographic profile of the Acholi people. They are one of the most culturally cohesive group in the country, with a tight ethnic fabric than most ethnic groupings in Uganda. At Makerere University, it is not uncommon to see Acholi students moving in groups of four, five or seven.
The Acholi students association at University has one of biggest memberships. Perhaps only second to Nkoba-za-mbogo, the Buganda student’s association. An Acholi, even one with national and international exposure, is more likely to marry a fellow Acholi.
The Acholi are very convinced of their cultural superiority. It was drummed into their psyche from childhood.
Every year at the University’s cultural gala, which features traditional dances, songs and other performances, either the Acholi or the Baganda win. Records would show that the Acholi have won most times.
An Acholi traditional dance is more likely to attract and retain attention than most traditional dances in Uganda. The Acholi language probably has the richest reservoir of poetry, songs, stories, riddles and symbolism in Uganda (read the works of Okot p’ Bitek and other Acholi writers)
Acholi people have a tradition of military bravery that is only comparable to that of the Scots. Americans and Canadians of Scottish descent constitute a single group with the most decorated officers in the US armed forces. During the American civil war (1861-1865) it took the intervention of German mercenaries to turn the tide against confederate forces –– who had many officers and men of Scottish descent –– and save the Union that constitutes the US.
The Acholi have dominated Uganda’s army since colonial times. This is not merely an accident of British colonial administration policy as Uganda’s historians would have us believe. There is a cultural dimension to it.
Acholi probably constitute the highest ethnic representation in the officers and men of the UPDF, excluding top commanders.
The Acholi formed the bulk of Uganda’s fighting force which ousted Idi Amin in 1979. Those who witnessed the Luwero Triangle War (1981-1985) are more likely to remember Acholi soldiers than any other tribes. The Acholi language usage is probably loaded with more connotations relating to fighting, hunting, attack and similar words than any ethnic group in Uganda.
With this brief background, the response of the Acholi to what they see as betrayal by the Movement government should be understandable. The aforementioned see the Movement as not only having betrayed them, but also negated their identity.
When Yoweri Museveni defeated the Acholi-led government in Kampala in 1986, it was not only a betrayal of the Acholi peace gestures (the Nairobi peace talks of 1985) to Museveni, but also a violation of Acholi identity.
You will recall that by toppling Obote, Acholi aspired to be an important process to bring reconciliation to Uganda. That is why Museveni was invited out of the Bush on the day Obote fell. Obote fell because of failure to recognise the Acholi identity in appointing the army chief of staff.
The issue of identity is crucial to humanity and a man will do anything to establish his identity. In fact, ethnic identity has played a prominent role in Uganda’s conflicts since independence. When Milton Obote abolished the Buganda Monarchy in 1966 and exiled Fred Mutesa, Buganda’s King, the most important thing Obote had denied the Baganda was their identity.
The Baganda remained restless and hollow for many years. When the chance to fight Obote came in Luwero Triangle, they did it with all their hearts. The fight was really to regain the Buganda ethnic identity and the institution that embodies it. The Acholi or any other group are no exception.
The Acholi ethnic construct exalts tribe above other aspects of group identity. To the Acholi tribe is priority. This explains the low levels of nationalism and patriotism among the Acholi people. Such ethnic identity structure poses severe limitations on the Acholi to adjust to new political and other realities.
In fact, analyists say that the Acholi ethnic approach to issues and their deficiency in nationalist trait was why the Okello government failed to keep a coalition of forces opposed to Obote.
So, when Museveni marched into Kampala and toppled the six-month Acholi-led government, the stage for the conflict that is now 17 years old was set. The quest to preserve Acholi identity began with Angelo Okello of UPDA, who made peace with the government but died after surrender.
It was followed by Alice Lakwena who ran out of steam. Joseph Kony took over and proved resilient. Some Acholi say that even if Joseph Kony were to die or be captured, some one else would rise in his stead. This might sound strange, until one acknowledges that Joseph Kony is, to a section of Acholi, a symbol of Acholi resistance and bravery.
That is why it is difficult for some Acholi politicians to condemn Kony. And that’s the reason Kony’s objective for fighting remains hazy. It cannot easily be articulated because it has to do with an identity crisis. “Talk to Kony†is what will be said over and over by Acholi politicians, elite and religious leaders.
Government should consider helping the Acholi re-discover their identity, that is the true road map to peace in the north. How this can be done is another subject. Guns are useless in solving conflicts of this nature. If the northern war becomes an agenda on the UN security council, that would be an embarrassment to Uganda.
The victory of the NRA in 1986 should have been followed by a face-saving offer for the vanquished to accept the new reality, that is where the NRM failed. The Acholi were humiliated in many ways. It is as if the response is: “Look! We are also men. To prove it, sons of Acholi who took to the bush will fight and fight.†It is immaterial to them that children are abducted, women raped, civilians maimed or killed, as long as a point is proved.
Joe Nam
Kampala