Eyadema pattern right here with us

Jun 27, 2005

A debate on the proposal to amend the Constitution to lift presidential term limits has been going on in Parliament. Here is an abridged version of Augustine Ruzinda’s contribution last week

A debate on the proposal to amend the Constitution to lift presidential term limits has been going on in Parliament. Here is an abridged version of Augustine Ruzinda’s contribution last week

The first phase of the Movement rule, the youth stage was a period when the ideas and ideals that led thousands of people to resist dictatorship — many indeed died — were still the guide of government action; the ideals of democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law and when the public interest was uppermost in the minds of the leaders.

This period has long gone, replaced by the project or desire to remain in power indefinitely or for life, at any cost, for personal interest.

The proposed amendments do not only want to create a life president, they also want to eliminate checks and balances and the separation of powers.

This anti-democratic strand or tendency has always been there in the Movement, but now it has become the leading tendency. We now have personal rule, characterised by patronage, nepotism, cronyism and corruption.

That is why emphasis is on the president succeeding himself, rather than his party remaining in power.

Mr Speaker, under a democracy, disputes arise, but they are processed, debated, reacted to and resolved though perhaps not definitively and permanently. Democracy allows grievances to be expressed openly and responded to.

Democracy operates as a conflict management system without recourse to violence. However, we now hear daily threats from government officials against people of other parties.

And indeed many people have been arrested and tortured. A member of this House was forced to write something that the authorities of this House took to be a resignation letter and he is under arrest for airing his political views.

Mr Speaker, the amendments to the Constitution must deal with the issue of militarism. Thus the UPDF must become a national institution, non-partisan and impartial. Its representation in a political institution, like Parliament, must come to an end. In fact, to show that UPDF is non-partisan, its MPs must abstain on matters which are partisan, like the lifting of presidential term limits, which is an NRM-O party proposal. If UPDF representatives vote for or against it, they will be partisan. They must not be partisan; they are not an NRM-O military wing.

Mr Speaker, this Parliament must decide in such a way that the Gnassingbe Eyadema phenomenon (life presidency) is not given an opportunity to occur in this country. The focus of the constitutional amendments seem to be following the Eyadema pattern. The difference is only the contraction of the time of the manipulation process. Eyadema is dead; long live Eyademaism.

Mr Speaker, the spirit of the 1995 Constitution was, among other things, to curb the excessive executive power through various provisions of checks and balances, separation of powers, strong provisions protecting fundamental human and individual rights, creation of independent oversight institutions and an independent judiciary.

However, the spirit behind this Bill is to increase executive authority, reduce the independence of the judiciary by restricting judicial review, provide for serious restrictions on fundamental human rights, emasculate independent oversight institutions and water down checks and balances. What has been a de facto personal rule is now going to be constitutionalised. Is this in the best interests of the country? Do we want to return to the command constitution of 1967?

Finally Mr Speaker, a word about lifting presidential term limits. Repealing 105 (2), at the moment is very dangerous because this is being done for the only possible beneficiary, the current president and possibly his political party, though both are identical.

Constitutional amendments are never made for individuals or for political purposes.

Article 105(2) is not yet tested, and where it has been tested, e.g, Tanzania, Kenya, it has caused no harm, rather it has resulted in stability. In addition, we need political and constitutional convergence in East Africa, if we are serious about a political federation of East Africa.

Mr Speaker, the intended repeal of this article has already caused enough problems. It has ended long established friendships, it has split the Movement, it is splitting the country; it has led to the abuse of the elders by youngsters, e.g. the venerable Bidandi Ssali being called “stupid” by Ofwono Opondo, it has led to all sorts of manipulation of the Constitution, the law and parliamentary rules, it has also led to the promise of innumerable districts and regional tiers and above all, the depletion of the National Budget.

Worse is yet to come — increased politically motivated violence against opponents of this turn of events violence, in the coming campaigns and elections. If all this leads to the success of the life presidency project, then the installation of a full fledged repressive undemocratic state will follow. It has to be repressive if you consider the other attendant proposals regarding Parliament, the judiciary, the army, etc, i.e the removal of checks and balances and separation of powers.

The writer is Ruhaama County MP

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