What is all the fuss about regional tier?
LUBAGA South MP Ken Lukyamuzi’s article, “Bad faith evident in the White Paper†published on Thursday is quite fascinating and provocative. I have also noted that a number of issues Lukyamuzi raised in the article have also been expressed by some Buganda Kingdom officials at Mengo. <br><br>
LUBAGA South MP Ken Lukyamuzi’s article, “Bad faith evident in the White Paper†published on Thursday is quite fascinating and provocative. I have also noted that a number of issues Lukyamuzi raised in the article have also been expressed by some Buganda Kingdom officials at Mengo.
Among other things, Lukyamuzi denounces the ‘regional tier’ (regional government) proposed by the Cabinet in the White Paper arguing that it is merely an ‘LC6.’ He implicitly contends that the proposed ‘regional tier’ is in conflict with the federo that Buganda is yearning for.
Lukyamuzi also appears to think that there cannot be federo as long as the districts retain the powers that were decentralised. In other words, for him the powers at the district must be shifted to the regional level.
Thus he argues that the chief administrative officers (CAOs) must cease to exist, that there must be one resident district commissioner for the region (Buganda) and one tender board. I am perplexed by the fuss over the ‘regional tier’. In reality what actually federal advocates are asking for is a government with some constitutionally defined autonomy at the regional level (Buganda). This, in essence, is the ‘regional tier’, a local government at the regional level. By denouncing a ‘regional tier’, Lukyamuzi and other federo advocates are creating a wrong impression that what Buganda wants is not a regional government but a government at a different level.
government has given a concession to accept a regional tier, a government at the regional level. Thus it would also mean that Buganda is recognised as a political entity. Therefore the debate for or against the ‘regional tier’ is irrelevant and misconceived. What should be debated is how the regional governments would function, their powers and how they will relate to the central government and lower local governments - the district and sub-county local governments.
As Parliament considers the White Paper, it may be useful to study the way powers have been devolved in the United Kingdom to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This could help Uganda deal with the current federo impasse. Devolution of powers in the UK has been equally contentious.
The British Conservatives (CP) strongly opposed devolution of powers (regional tier) to Scotland arguing that it would lead to the breakup of the country. But the Labour Party backed greater autonomy for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. While the UK is not a federation, Scotland now has a parliament which was established in 1999. The Scottish Parliament and government handle the devolved matters including law and order (police), investment, environment, education, health and social services. Scotland has an Executive headed by the ‘First Minister’. The Welsh Assembly has far less legislative powers than the Scottish parliament.
It is not true that decentralisation of powers to the districts is in conflict with federo. It will not be right to centralise powers at the region. In any case won’t be easy to remove the powers from districts and transfer them to the region.
The districts have veto powers on amending Article 176 of the Constitution, which entrenched the districts as the basis for local government system in Uganda. Establishing regional governments would require amending article 176.
Naturally district would not ratify any amendment they perceive to be taking away their existing powers. The proponents of regional governments must therefore seek a compromise that will retain some powers at the district level.
Ends
Among other things, Lukyamuzi denounces the ‘regional tier’ (regional government) proposed by the Cabinet in the White Paper arguing that it is merely an ‘LC6.’ He implicitly contends that the proposed ‘regional tier’ is in conflict with the federo that Buganda is yearning for.
Lukyamuzi also appears to think that there cannot be federo as long as the districts retain the powers that were decentralised. In other words, for him the powers at the district must be shifted to the regional level.
Thus he argues that the chief administrative officers (CAOs) must cease to exist, that there must be one resident district commissioner for the region (Buganda) and one tender board. I am perplexed by the fuss over the ‘regional tier’. In reality what actually federal advocates are asking for is a government with some constitutionally defined autonomy at the regional level (Buganda). This, in essence, is the ‘regional tier’, a local government at the regional level. By denouncing a ‘regional tier’, Lukyamuzi and other federo advocates are creating a wrong impression that what Buganda wants is not a regional government but a government at a different level.
government has given a concession to accept a regional tier, a government at the regional level. Thus it would also mean that Buganda is recognised as a political entity. Therefore the debate for or against the ‘regional tier’ is irrelevant and misconceived. What should be debated is how the regional governments would function, their powers and how they will relate to the central government and lower local governments - the district and sub-county local governments.
As Parliament considers the White Paper, it may be useful to study the way powers have been devolved in the United Kingdom to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This could help Uganda deal with the current federo impasse. Devolution of powers in the UK has been equally contentious.
The British Conservatives (CP) strongly opposed devolution of powers (regional tier) to Scotland arguing that it would lead to the breakup of the country. But the Labour Party backed greater autonomy for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. While the UK is not a federation, Scotland now has a parliament which was established in 1999. The Scottish Parliament and government handle the devolved matters including law and order (police), investment, environment, education, health and social services. Scotland has an Executive headed by the ‘First Minister’. The Welsh Assembly has far less legislative powers than the Scottish parliament.
It is not true that decentralisation of powers to the districts is in conflict with federo. It will not be right to centralise powers at the region. In any case won’t be easy to remove the powers from districts and transfer them to the region.
The districts have veto powers on amending Article 176 of the Constitution, which entrenched the districts as the basis for local government system in Uganda. Establishing regional governments would require amending article 176.
Naturally district would not ratify any amendment they perceive to be taking away their existing powers. The proponents of regional governments must therefore seek a compromise that will retain some powers at the district level.
Ends