Lukyamuzi-Damiano row vital for parties

By Gawaya Tegulle Ken Lukyamuzi and his predecessor Damiano Lubega are bitterly contesting the Lubaga South constituency seat. Analysts say that beyond the bitter accusations being traded by the two multi-party stalwarts, is a bigger story of the break up of the inter-party co-operation as each party seeks to cut a niche for itself in the political marketplace. They say it is not that the parties are becoming a danger to themselves. Rather, the focus has now shifted from fighting the Movement on a collective front, to each party re-organising itself to ensure its continued survival for the 2006 elections. "There is an undercurrent of political organisation going on," says Nobert Mao, Gulu Municipality MP. "People are being positioned to safeguard constituencies that certain parties regard as their strongholds." The strategy is that each party secures its strongholds now and then prepares to tussle for other areas. There are broadly two camps in the multi-party arena. The first are ideologues like Mao who think collective struggle against the Movement is the way forward. The second are those who hold positions within certain parties and are plotting liberation of their traditional strongholds as they prepare for what they hope will be multi-party elections in 2006. Lubaga South was in DP hands, since 1986, with Damiano Lubega at the helm both in the then National Resistance Council and in the CA. In 1996 following the victory of President Museveni over Dr. Paul Ssemogerere who had been fronted by the Inter-Political Forces Co-operation, the latter declared the election rigged and called for a boycott of the subsequent parliamentary polls. Some partyists like Lubega, observed the boycott. Others like Lukyamuzi who had earlier lost to Lubega in the CA elections contested and won. DP insiders say they had in effect only "leased" Lubaga South to Lukyamuzi. Now, they say, Lukyamuzi's time is up. But Lukyamuzi who believes Lubaga South was not given to him as a present, has ambition that knows no bounds. When he got to power, he used his domain to strengthen his Conservative Party. He fielded candidates in the local council elections, many of them against DP candidates. DP was, naturally not happy. Lukyamuzi, a man who regularly boasts about his contribution to political debate and policy says this is a plot by fellow jealous multi-partyists "who are scared of my consistency in performance and capacity to contest the presidency five years from now". "This is the time for different parties to strengthen themselves by fielding different candidates so that we can compare strength," says Lubega. Lubega had initially been expected to contest the Kyotera seat, which he was expected to win without much trouble. This would have been good for the parties because it would have left Lukyamuzi intact and would have added another strong pluralist to the House. But this collapsed as individual party interests became stronger. "This is what is on the ground," says Lubega. "If parties just shy away when we have capable candidates for parliament, it won't help this country. The JEEMAs have candidates. The Movement-Reform (Kizza Besigye) has candidates like Anne Mugisha in Kampala Central and Beti Kamya in Lubaga North." In Kampala Central DP anointed Charles Serunjogi to stand. In West Nile, two DP strongmen are out to reclaim territory for DP. They are Constantine Embatya and Santos Alima in Maracha and Vura respectively. In Mbale, Darlington Sakwa who seems to be more in line with the Ogwal faction seeks to oust national Political Commissar James Wapakhabulo. Adoko Nekyon, who many people had written off as a political dinosaur is back. He returned his DP membership card and returned to UPC. He wants to oust Jovino Akaki from Maruzi county. As parties appear to increasingly divorce themselves from each other, the trend appears to be biting individual parties from within. Already all the parties have factions apart from Jeema and each is eager to assert its supremacy. This new move is proof of the realisation on the side of pluralists that their 1996 boycott backfired and the best way forward for parties is utilising the available political space, not shying away. The move, however, favours the Movement because partyists are concentrating their valuable resources against each other. Ends