Museveni speaks out

Nov 02, 2000

It is very good news to hear that one other Ugandan, Col. (rtd) Besigye, intends to stand as a presidential candidate in addition to others who have already expressed their intention to contest.

Col. (Rtd) Besigye's Recently Announced Candidature It is very good news to hear that one other Ugandan, Col. (rtd) Besigye, intends to stand as a presidential candidate in addition to others who have already expressed their intention to contest. This is one of the proofs that there is full democracy in Uganda as defined by the people of Uganda. In the 1996 presidential elections, we had open and transparent competition among three aspirants for the presidency. I do not have to talk about parliamentary and local government elections or elections to the CA. Yet again, however, Colonel Besigye has gone about his intentions in an indisciplined and disruptive way. He has, without consulting any organ of the Movement, launched himself as a Movement candidate although it is well-known that he is in close collaboration with multi-partyists. Let us, however, assume that Col. Besigye is not in cahoots with multipartyists. By unilaterally declaring himself a candidate, he creates a problem for the Movement. For the time being, therefore, I will only comment on this aspect of Col. Besigye's disruptive indiscipline while running political or state organs. He tried to do the same, you remember, while still in the army. The army leadership reacted firmly although I was, eventually, persuaded by my supporters from Rukungiri to take a soft line on Col. Besigye after he regretted the manner of his communication. Here again, in the matter of his candidature, Col. Besigye creates a minor problem for the Movement. Assuming Col. Besigye is really serious in seeing his candidature through to the end as a Movement candidate on "individual merit," the Movement will now have two options: either to adopt Col. Besigye as a sole candidate having imposed himself on the Movement following clandestine, conspiratorial consultations with some unknown personalities that include "leading Movement persons," or field other Movement persons in a political field where there are already two multi-party candidates. If the Movement fields other candidates, then the impact will be to divide the Movement vote. Why would a disciplined Movementist do this? Why didn't Col. Besigye and his "leading Movement personalities" extend these consultations to include everybody so that the Movement moves as a solid body with either Besigye or anybody else that would be more "appropriate" than the incumbent? In the 1996 presidential elections, the fact that I was the historical leader of the Resistance notwithstanding, I formed a Manifesto Committee and a National Task Force that included all the segments of the Movement leadership. I had consultations with all the segments of the leadership and the membership of NRM. Had these consultations concluded that I was not "appropriate" to represent the interests of the Movement, I would not have imposed myself on the country. Yet at the time, we were not as clearly structured as now. We now have NEC, we have the National Conference, etc. Why wouldn't a democratically-mindeed Col. Besigye think of consulting these before creating problems for the Movement? This is either indiscipline or intrigue on the part of Col. Besigye and those "leading Movement personalities" that have been clandestinely conclaving on such important issues, including the future leadership of the country. We have a very long experience in dealing with intrigues. Of course, I have been hearing about such "consultations" or, more appropriately, "conspiracies" of Col. Besigye and his colleagues. As my style of leadership is always, I never take premature actions. I always allow the problem to mature. The problem of Col. Besigye and his "leading Movement personalities" is beginning to mature. We shall now be able to deal with it decisively and transparently because it is now transparent. Previously, it was unclear and murky to, especially, the public. As of now, I would like to end my preliminary comments on the Besigye candidature here. If Col. Besigye and his "leading Movement personalities" are seriously intent on imposing their candidature on the Movement or dividing our vote if the other segments of the Movement cannot accept their candidature, we will have ample time to examine, with you, the Movement supporters, the "appropriateness" of Besigye being a presidential candidate for the Movement. Furthermore, I will be able to respond to the charges of Besigye against me of promoting "cronyism, sectarianism, discrimination, nepotism etc.," once I get the details of Col. Besigye's accusations. However, I read in one of the newspapers that Col. Besigye said that I forgave an army officer who had got a bribe of US$800,000. I presume he was talking about Maj. Gen. Salim Saleh. This is a lie. In fact, it was Maj. Gen. Saleh who, eventually, reported to me, without prompting from anyone, the attempt to bribe him. He had been tempted to accept the bribe, but his conscience turned him against it and he told me. On the contrary, it was Col. Besigye who, either negligently or for other reasons, signed the document accepting those defective helicopters. It was Col. Besigye, not Maj. Gen. Saleh, who accepted those defective helicopters in Belarus. The Probe Committee by Col. Aronda was, apparently, told by Col. Besigye that he accepted the defective helicopters on the recommendation of his technical team that went with him to Belarus. However, I would like to inform the public that those helicopters were so derelict that even somebody who was not an aircraft engineer could see that they were not even overhauled. Surely, Col. Besigye could see the worn-out tyres. Of all the actors in that helicopter scandal, it is Col. Besigye who played the biggest part. The matter is being handled by others including Hon. Miria Matembe. In respect of wrong-doing in the army, I would like to inform the public that AIDS so debilitated the leadership of UPDF that we had to be soft with wrong-doing, otherwise we risked having hardly any leadership at one time. Instead, we have been concentrating on rebuilding the leadership of the army through getting more graduates out of the officer cadet schools and other command courses. This is rebuilding the army leadership. Another lie repeatedly told by Col. Besigye, that I can respond to now, is that I do not discuss with other leaders. That my "views have become the Movement views." The public should be reminded of how the country is run. Policies are sometimes started within the departments of government by civil servants following technical studies. There was, for instance, the Kajubi report that led to changes in the education system. In respect of those, the President and the Ministers make an input when the relevant ministries turn the reports into what they call the White Paper - that is the government response to the technical report. This is when the President and the rest of Cabinet make an input. If it needs legislation, then the passed Cabinet paper is turned into a Bill (proposed law) and goes to parliament. The Bill is then debated by parliament and, if passed, the Bill becomes law in form of an Act of Parliament. Sometimes, the President, through a Minister, can initiate a policy such as, for example, the UPE policy. In that case, the President, after looking at the finances and the social-economic needs of the people, proposes to Cabinet, through the Minster of Education, that school charges should be abolished. If Cabinet agrees, the Minister of Finance incorporates it in his budget speech. The budget is debated by parliament and either passed or amended as they see fit. If the policy move needs legislation, the parliament then passes an Act of Parliament. Sometimes, a backbencher in parliament can move a private member's motion in parliament on any matter. If it is passed, then it becomes law. Recently, Hons. Onapito Ekomoloit and Mugisha Muntu brought a private member's motion to amend the Constitution of Uganda. Ladies and gentlemen of Uganda, tell me how a President can have his views become the views of the Movement or government, as Col. Besigye is claiming, outside this structure of decision-making. All important measures in the country have come through one of these ways: departments (civil servants) initiating policy, the President and Ministers initiating policy or private members of parliament initiating policy. Wherever it starts, it is most likely to come to parliament either as a Bill, a budget speech or a statutory instrument which would have to be laid before parliament for some days. This is how the democratic systems of not only the NRM, but all democratic countries work. During the administration of the NRM, only one decree was signed by this President, Legal Notice No.1 of 1986. That legal notice was drafted as a resolution of the bush NRC at Lubiri (the present returned palace of the Kabaka). Col. Besigye could tell the people of Uganda how any of my views have become the views of the country or the Movement other than by the legal paths I have described above. Some people have been talking about deploying troops to Congo. Yes, the initial deployment was made by me after consulting the commanders who were with me in the north. Soon after, all the other bodies were involved: the High Command, the Army Council, the Parliamentary Committee on Defence. I addressed Parliament several times. Col. Besigye was a member of the Army Council when the resolution on Congo was passed. If the Army Council had judged it correct to bring back those troops, we would have brought them back. Of course, I have views. If I did not have views, I would not have fought these wars for the liberation of Uganda. However, I always put those views before the relevant bodies of the Movement, the army or the State. I argue for my views. Some are accepted, some are rejected. I, for instance, did not like the NRA to change its name to UPDF. The CA decided against my view and I accepted. I did not agree with parliament on removing Dr. Kazibwe from the Ministry of Agriculture. I, however, agreed, for the sake of compromise, to remove her although she was unjustly condemned as the subsequent audit report showed. I had a lot of reservations on the amnesty of top criminals like Kony, but I accepted the views of others. Col. Besigye and his "top Movement personalities" are, therefore, telling lies on this matter again. Apart from the very democratic system of the central government outlined above, there are 45 local governments and the system goes on up to the cells. How can the President exercise dictatorship over all these bodies? On the side of political discussions, apart from NEC and the National Conference, there is the Movement Caucus and the Secretariat. All these can be used to iron out issues. Why can't anybody use these bodies? If they are not working well, make them work. Why does Col. Besigye and his" top movement personalities" tell lies about me? I know the answers, but I will reserve them for now. Some of these circles have recently been falsely talking of a "hit list." It is now clear who had, conspiratorially, prepared a "hit list." It is the Besigye group who had prepared that list. Top on the list: Yoweri Museveni and the Movement. Fortunately, we have fought many battles. If necessary, we shall fight and win this one. Finally, our supporters countrywide should not worry too much about these intrigues. Since many members of the public are not well informed, they tend to worry that the army will be divided because the likes of Besigye are striking out on their own or that the massive Movement support in Uganda will suffer. Countrymen, be assured that nobody can divide the mighty UPDF, not even thirty Besigyes. If anybody was to foolishly take that road, it would lead to ruin. As far as the massive Movement support is concerned, we shall protect that unity. The vast network of supporters will be activated and Movement support will be protected mainly because the Besigye group has no genuine reason for their actions. Moreover, our support in all the regions of Uganda is growing because of the government programmes all over the country: a mini hospital at every county of Uganda, a dispensary at each sub-county, UPE all over the country, clean water, immunization, etc. There are still numerous problems to deal with. Those problems will be addressed in appropriate documents. Many have been addressed in the Competitive Strategy document and in PMA (Plan for the Modernisation of Agriculture). I am aware of the economic pressures we have in spite of the way forward. In the same way we dealt with past economic problems (inflation, scarcity of goods and services, infrastructure), we shall deal with the remaining problems of poverty, inadequate exports which affects the dollar and the shilling, etc. As we go along, I will expose the lies of Besigye and his "top Movement personalities." As a corollary to the conspiratorial actions of the Besigye group, very good Movement people are coalescing and, I can assure all our supporters, the Movement is going to be more formidable come the elections. Of course, our traditional opponents and some malcontents on account of egocentrism and self-inflicted frustrations, will be happy with Besigye's move and, no doubt, will join him. That is excellent. That is the law of nature. Like-minded people band together. What is crucial is that our members should be kept informed of all the manoeuvres and our own interests - the interests of a united people. In order not to have my views distorted, I will keep writing bi-weekly missives or more frequent ones, if necessary, to the press to de-toxicate the toxins being administered by some of the groups like the one of Col. Besigye and to educate the public. YOWERI K. MUSEVENI PRESIDENT Ends.

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