Akaki, we share the same bitter history
Dec 05, 2007
THE need to keep certain information as one’s personal secrets dates to biblical days. Jesus asked his disciples: “Who do the crowds say I am?†He was told: “Some say you are John the Baptist, others say you are Elijah, while others say that one of the prophets of long ago has come back to l
By Teddy Sseezi-Cheeye
THE need to keep certain information as one’s personal secrets dates to biblical days. Jesus asked his disciples: “Who do the crowds say I am?†He was told: “Some say you are John the Baptist, others say you are Elijah, while others say that one of the prophets of long ago has come back to life.†Jesus then asked:“What about you, who do you think I am? Peter answered: “You are God’s Messiah.†Jesus then gave them strict orders “not to tell this to any one†(Luke 9:18-21). The gist of Jesus’ message is that every one of us should use his or her natural intelligence and try to find the truth behind certain events and keep that sacred truth as personal knowledge (secret). I have cited this biblical wisdom in order to educate people like Sam Akaki, (Monitor Nov 26, 2007, Pg. 12. Unfortunately The Daily Monitor does not publish responses to Movement critics) that there are certain truths behind big events, which are never said, but which are the main driving force of change.
In the case of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle in Luweero (1981-1986), the driving force which was never publicly said was a unity of the opposites: Between sectarianism, at micro-level (individual level) and inclusiveness at macro-level (leadership level). This scientific combination made wonders where the previous savage successive regime failed. President Museveni controlled the peasantry temperature of sectarianism, such as stopping them from killing captured prisoners of war in vengeance, while at the same time exploiting the peasant’s burning anti-northerners extremism (they blindly hated all northerners) as the driving force of the revolution. By implementing the revolutionary cardinal law of “preservation of NRA forces in order to grow and be able to defeat the enemyâ€, Mr. Museveni’s revolution acquired nationalistic character. On the other hand, Obote and Amin failed to control the temperature of tribalism and allowed their kinsmen to kill, rape and rob the Bantu people without knowing that such barbaric tribal acts stagnate political support within one’s tribal boundaries only.
Therefore, Mr. Akaki, take it from me: Many people in Luweero sacrificed not because they wanted to remove an undemocratic and corrupt regime, but mainly because they wanted to remove the “badokoloâ€, which was an open secret they kept to themselves. To some extent, some Acholi have also been indirectly supporting rebellion in the north because of certain secrets, which are not publicly admitted. These are the bitter truths which are supposed to be known by a people who share the same history. International norms like good governance and democracy etc, are merely exemplary beliefs, which do not stop a country from development just as in Christianity, earthly sins by individuals do not stop Christianity from spreading.
Mr. Akaki wonders how a person (me) who used to criticise Mr. Museveni is now his advocate. If you read all my Uganda Confidential newsletters (540 issues) published in 13 years, (1990-2003), you will note that usually my criticism targeted the IMF, World Bank and their local Masters of Ceremonies. Where I criticised President Museveni, I always put a caveat of supporting him to rule because he has given us peace. As a matter of editorial policy, we never scandalised the army because I strongly believe in the importance of securing national state security and the security of individual life and property as a pre-requisite before any country can embark on meaningful development. I want to inform Mr. Akaki that I have never changed. I still criticise the IMF and World Bank and their local Masters of Ceremonies.
In any case, history is full of progressive presidents who worked with their critics. The first president of the US, George Washington (1789-1797) appointed Alexander Hamilton, US first Secretary to the Treasury, (1789-1795) even though the two men had had antagonist economic views. More recently, after the April 4, 2001 presidential elections in Argentina, President Fernando de la Rue, appointed his 1999 presidential rival, Domingo Cavalla, as his minister of finance. Even England once appointed a critical editor of the Economist magazine to be the governor Bank of England. President Museveni’s key Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hon. Sam Kutesa, was his political rival in the 1980 presidential elections in Nyabushozi constituency. Appointing critics is not the problem. What should be asked is whether the appointed person has the qualifications and does his or her job well? I find Akaki to be a typical obscurant just like many people in the opposition. The new issue I have raised is that corruption, intolerance and lack of democracy, which the opposition has been harping on for many years, do not necessarily stop a country from development. Neighbouring Kenya, which is developing the Malaysian way, is rated to be among the most corrupt countries in the world. If I have silenced the opposition (which is my pleasure) on this topic, kindly invent another topic, and I will be obliged to make it minced meat as well.
The writer is the Director of Economic Affairs & Monitoring,
Office of the President
sseezi@yahoo.com
0712-111-119
THE need to keep certain information as one’s personal secrets dates to biblical days. Jesus asked his disciples: “Who do the crowds say I am?†He was told: “Some say you are John the Baptist, others say you are Elijah, while others say that one of the prophets of long ago has come back to life.†Jesus then asked:“What about you, who do you think I am? Peter answered: “You are God’s Messiah.†Jesus then gave them strict orders “not to tell this to any one†(Luke 9:18-21). The gist of Jesus’ message is that every one of us should use his or her natural intelligence and try to find the truth behind certain events and keep that sacred truth as personal knowledge (secret). I have cited this biblical wisdom in order to educate people like Sam Akaki, (Monitor Nov 26, 2007, Pg. 12. Unfortunately The Daily Monitor does not publish responses to Movement critics) that there are certain truths behind big events, which are never said, but which are the main driving force of change.
In the case of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle in Luweero (1981-1986), the driving force which was never publicly said was a unity of the opposites: Between sectarianism, at micro-level (individual level) and inclusiveness at macro-level (leadership level). This scientific combination made wonders where the previous savage successive regime failed. President Museveni controlled the peasantry temperature of sectarianism, such as stopping them from killing captured prisoners of war in vengeance, while at the same time exploiting the peasant’s burning anti-northerners extremism (they blindly hated all northerners) as the driving force of the revolution. By implementing the revolutionary cardinal law of “preservation of NRA forces in order to grow and be able to defeat the enemyâ€, Mr. Museveni’s revolution acquired nationalistic character. On the other hand, Obote and Amin failed to control the temperature of tribalism and allowed their kinsmen to kill, rape and rob the Bantu people without knowing that such barbaric tribal acts stagnate political support within one’s tribal boundaries only.
Therefore, Mr. Akaki, take it from me: Many people in Luweero sacrificed not because they wanted to remove an undemocratic and corrupt regime, but mainly because they wanted to remove the “badokoloâ€, which was an open secret they kept to themselves. To some extent, some Acholi have also been indirectly supporting rebellion in the north because of certain secrets, which are not publicly admitted. These are the bitter truths which are supposed to be known by a people who share the same history. International norms like good governance and democracy etc, are merely exemplary beliefs, which do not stop a country from development just as in Christianity, earthly sins by individuals do not stop Christianity from spreading.
Mr. Akaki wonders how a person (me) who used to criticise Mr. Museveni is now his advocate. If you read all my Uganda Confidential newsletters (540 issues) published in 13 years, (1990-2003), you will note that usually my criticism targeted the IMF, World Bank and their local Masters of Ceremonies. Where I criticised President Museveni, I always put a caveat of supporting him to rule because he has given us peace. As a matter of editorial policy, we never scandalised the army because I strongly believe in the importance of securing national state security and the security of individual life and property as a pre-requisite before any country can embark on meaningful development. I want to inform Mr. Akaki that I have never changed. I still criticise the IMF and World Bank and their local Masters of Ceremonies.
In any case, history is full of progressive presidents who worked with their critics. The first president of the US, George Washington (1789-1797) appointed Alexander Hamilton, US first Secretary to the Treasury, (1789-1795) even though the two men had had antagonist economic views. More recently, after the April 4, 2001 presidential elections in Argentina, President Fernando de la Rue, appointed his 1999 presidential rival, Domingo Cavalla, as his minister of finance. Even England once appointed a critical editor of the Economist magazine to be the governor Bank of England. President Museveni’s key Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hon. Sam Kutesa, was his political rival in the 1980 presidential elections in Nyabushozi constituency. Appointing critics is not the problem. What should be asked is whether the appointed person has the qualifications and does his or her job well? I find Akaki to be a typical obscurant just like many people in the opposition. The new issue I have raised is that corruption, intolerance and lack of democracy, which the opposition has been harping on for many years, do not necessarily stop a country from development. Neighbouring Kenya, which is developing the Malaysian way, is rated to be among the most corrupt countries in the world. If I have silenced the opposition (which is my pleasure) on this topic, kindly invent another topic, and I will be obliged to make it minced meat as well.
The writer is the Director of Economic Affairs & Monitoring,
Office of the President
sseezi@yahoo.com
0712-111-119