Nationalities are the basis of any state
Nov 20, 2006
A political commentator recently observed that the current problem of northern Uganda is the problem of making Uganda a state created by colonialism work adding that existing imbalances can only be dealt within the context of overall national transformation.
Peter Mulira -
A political commentator recently observed that the current problem of northern Uganda is the problem of making Uganda a state created by colonialism work adding that existing imbalances can only be dealt within the context of overall national transformation.
This statement reflects the view generally held by many people that the colonial state we inherited has failed us in moulding our various nationalities into one. This failure is normally attributed to the scourge of tribalism and religious chauvinism but this can only provide a partial explanation because other countries where these vices exist have managed to build strong states.
In Britain today there are already murmurs about the scottish progeny of Gordon Brown the man who is likely to succeed Tony Blair as prime minister. Due to the existence of an established church with the head of state doubling as its titular head it will be light years before a person who does not belong to that church will ever occupy the office of prime minister.
Over in the United States the presidency is the preserve of people of anglo-saxon stock as Michael Dukakis a Greek and the first outsider to aspire to that office in a line of 44 presidents found out. The first catholic to contend for the presidency way back in the 1920s was sidelined because of his faith and this trend continued until John F. Kennedy overcame the prejudice against his faith in 1960 when he became the first catholic president of that country. Both the United Kingdom and the United States have developed national symbols which cut across cultural barriers and prejudices which we haven’t done.
The colonial state we inherited was created as a territorial contraption which respected local integrity with no common national values amongst its peoples apart from their loyalty to the British crown as well as its culture, a problem which persist even today as witnessed by the excitement over the impending visit by the Queen and our enthusiasm for the English premier football league.
What this means is that we inherited only a sovereign state which is defined in one dictionary as the “power or authority represented by a body of people politically organised within a territory having definite boundaries†without a nation to go with it. The same dictionary gives two different meanings of a nation as follows:
an aggregation of people or peoples of one or more cultures, races, etc. organised in a single state
a community of persons not constituting a state but bound by a common descent, language, history, etc. The state we inherited had nationalities of people of common descent, language and history but lacked the local aggregation of our “cultures, races, etc†something which was achieved in the UK and the US.
The problem of northern Uganda as elsewhere arises from the absence of national symbols to bind, albeit subconsciously, our various nationalities into an aggregation of people. Put differently, this problem is a reflection of our failure to build a nation-state.
The first problem with the colonial state we inherited was that it did not have home-grown symbols to mould our national consciousness into one aggregation and the development of these symbols has largely been hampered by efforts since independence to bring about these symbols through partisan political efforts and the desire to suppress our nationalities and their nuances.
We learn from other examples that the existence of diverse cultures and nationalities is not inimical to the idea of a strong state. Previously, the United States followed a melting pot policy in which all immigrants with different cultures and nationalities were assimilated into the anglo-saxon culture but this has given way to what is know as the ‘mixed salad’ approach in which individuals are encouraged to stick to their cultures and national identities while paying allegiance to the national good.
In Dade county, Florida, there is a law which requires that all children start their education in nursery schools which uses their mother-tongue as the medium of instruction. The second problem we inherited from the colonial state was what some people see as imbalances in its evolution especially in regard to Buganda’s status.
When Buganda signed its protection agreement with the British she agreed in clause 4 to join the protectorate when formed as one of its four provinces of equal status and the agreement allowed her to have her autonomous provincial government.
Whereas Buganda had its own government with local structures under it, the other three provinces when formed nine years later, did not and the provincial team under a provincial commissioner appointed by the governor served as outposts of the central government for purposes of providing inter-district services. This apparent special status given to Buganda became a sore thumb in our affairs and is responsible for the chasm between Buganda and the rest of the country which reached explosion point in 1966 but has not been finally resolved.
The third problem with the colonial state was the way the district boundaries were demarcated. This followed assumed linguistic affinities which overlooked deeper cultural differences in the nationalities involved and in some cases age-old animosities were just peppered over. This folly banded together people who should not have been in the same unit and what we are witnessing today in the demands for new districts is a psychological desire to return to the pre-protectorate status.
The three problems we inherited must be resolved first before we can build a truly strong nation-state. When the 13 American colonies were faced with a similar problem after they gained their independence and following a debilitating civil war they fought, they came up with a system which ensured a balance between local autonomy and national supremacy, a fair sharing of state power and national resources, a government which was based on checks and balances and equality of all states regardless of size.
The Americans then sought out national symbols which would bind them as a nation and they found these in their literature, heroes, idols, national days such as fathers’ and mothers’ days, thanksgiving and others.
The state as opposed to the nation on the other hand is represented by different symbols such as the flag, the national anthem, the presidency and parliament. Once we appreciate the distinction between the state and the nation we shall be able to resolve our outstanding problems which were inherited from colonialism.
Our problem so far has been that we have tried to solve our problems within the context of state versus nationalities when nationalities should be the basis of any state.
What is required is to search for symbols which will bring about the aggregation of these nationalities.
A political commentator recently observed that the current problem of northern Uganda is the problem of making Uganda a state created by colonialism work adding that existing imbalances can only be dealt within the context of overall national transformation.
This statement reflects the view generally held by many people that the colonial state we inherited has failed us in moulding our various nationalities into one. This failure is normally attributed to the scourge of tribalism and religious chauvinism but this can only provide a partial explanation because other countries where these vices exist have managed to build strong states.
In Britain today there are already murmurs about the scottish progeny of Gordon Brown the man who is likely to succeed Tony Blair as prime minister. Due to the existence of an established church with the head of state doubling as its titular head it will be light years before a person who does not belong to that church will ever occupy the office of prime minister.
Over in the United States the presidency is the preserve of people of anglo-saxon stock as Michael Dukakis a Greek and the first outsider to aspire to that office in a line of 44 presidents found out. The first catholic to contend for the presidency way back in the 1920s was sidelined because of his faith and this trend continued until John F. Kennedy overcame the prejudice against his faith in 1960 when he became the first catholic president of that country. Both the United Kingdom and the United States have developed national symbols which cut across cultural barriers and prejudices which we haven’t done.
The colonial state we inherited was created as a territorial contraption which respected local integrity with no common national values amongst its peoples apart from their loyalty to the British crown as well as its culture, a problem which persist even today as witnessed by the excitement over the impending visit by the Queen and our enthusiasm for the English premier football league.
What this means is that we inherited only a sovereign state which is defined in one dictionary as the “power or authority represented by a body of people politically organised within a territory having definite boundaries†without a nation to go with it. The same dictionary gives two different meanings of a nation as follows:
The problem of northern Uganda as elsewhere arises from the absence of national symbols to bind, albeit subconsciously, our various nationalities into an aggregation of people. Put differently, this problem is a reflection of our failure to build a nation-state.
The first problem with the colonial state we inherited was that it did not have home-grown symbols to mould our national consciousness into one aggregation and the development of these symbols has largely been hampered by efforts since independence to bring about these symbols through partisan political efforts and the desire to suppress our nationalities and their nuances.
We learn from other examples that the existence of diverse cultures and nationalities is not inimical to the idea of a strong state. Previously, the United States followed a melting pot policy in which all immigrants with different cultures and nationalities were assimilated into the anglo-saxon culture but this has given way to what is know as the ‘mixed salad’ approach in which individuals are encouraged to stick to their cultures and national identities while paying allegiance to the national good.
In Dade county, Florida, there is a law which requires that all children start their education in nursery schools which uses their mother-tongue as the medium of instruction. The second problem we inherited from the colonial state was what some people see as imbalances in its evolution especially in regard to Buganda’s status.
When Buganda signed its protection agreement with the British she agreed in clause 4 to join the protectorate when formed as one of its four provinces of equal status and the agreement allowed her to have her autonomous provincial government.
Whereas Buganda had its own government with local structures under it, the other three provinces when formed nine years later, did not and the provincial team under a provincial commissioner appointed by the governor served as outposts of the central government for purposes of providing inter-district services. This apparent special status given to Buganda became a sore thumb in our affairs and is responsible for the chasm between Buganda and the rest of the country which reached explosion point in 1966 but has not been finally resolved.
The third problem with the colonial state was the way the district boundaries were demarcated. This followed assumed linguistic affinities which overlooked deeper cultural differences in the nationalities involved and in some cases age-old animosities were just peppered over. This folly banded together people who should not have been in the same unit and what we are witnessing today in the demands for new districts is a psychological desire to return to the pre-protectorate status.
The three problems we inherited must be resolved first before we can build a truly strong nation-state. When the 13 American colonies were faced with a similar problem after they gained their independence and following a debilitating civil war they fought, they came up with a system which ensured a balance between local autonomy and national supremacy, a fair sharing of state power and national resources, a government which was based on checks and balances and equality of all states regardless of size.
The Americans then sought out national symbols which would bind them as a nation and they found these in their literature, heroes, idols, national days such as fathers’ and mothers’ days, thanksgiving and others.
The state as opposed to the nation on the other hand is represented by different symbols such as the flag, the national anthem, the presidency and parliament. Once we appreciate the distinction between the state and the nation we shall be able to resolve our outstanding problems which were inherited from colonialism.
Our problem so far has been that we have tried to solve our problems within the context of state versus nationalities when nationalities should be the basis of any state.
What is required is to search for symbols which will bring about the aggregation of these nationalities.