Guest Writer
I have done a simple calculation based on some obvious cases of selfishness in Uganda. I have considered the NSSF financial scandals, Jim Muhwezi and the IGG and Specioza Kazibwe’s school fees of sh2.5b and her utterances.
I have done a simple calculation based on some obvious cases of selfishness in Uganda. I have considered the NSSF financial scandals, Jim Muhwezi and the IGG and Specioza Kazibwe’s school fees of sh2.5b and her utterances.
Then there is the sh5m ‘facilitation’ of Movement MPs which has forced Bidandi Ssali to cite it as a reason of resigning his office in the NRM. The money being spent on Kazibwe and her family is enough to procure 2000 round uniports for 4000 soldiers now leaving in mud and wattle huts. And the sh5m for ‘facilitation’ is enough to build 1,200 low cost housing units. In Manjiya county, Mbale district 16,000 people have been gnashing their teeth in the cold for over a decade now.
At the time Uganda gained independence in 1962 there was a multi-party system based on religious, regional, ethnic and to some extent on traditional institutions. Despite these factional bases, there was a robust parliament especially between 1962 and 1966.
The government which was formed out of the coalition parties (UPC and KY) was however shortlived. In 1966, the differences between Kabaka Mutesa who doubled as the president of Uganda and the prime minister, became irreparable. This led to the weakening of the traditional base of power and the subsequent abrogation of the Independence Constitution. The crisis of 1966 was a culmination of internal wrangles. This should be compared with what is happening in the FDC, DP, NRM-O. This is what happened in the ‘60s:
lMutesa failed to agree with Prime minister Obote over the constitutional requirement to hold a referendum on the “lost counties.â€
l There was increased strength of the UPC as a result of MPs who crossed from DP and KY.
lThe demands by the traditionalists in Buganda that the central government should leave Buganda soil.
lThe suspicion that the Buganda government was importing arms to challenge the central government.
All the above conspired to foster military interventions into Uganda’s governance bringing to power one of the most illiterate and brutal military dictators in the world in the person of Idi Amin.
Such scenarios could perhaps be prevented if MPs were in constant contact with their constituents to solicit their views and give feedback on how these views have been balanced against those of other constituencies.
The writer is a tourism professional
Then there is the sh5m ‘facilitation’ of Movement MPs which has forced Bidandi Ssali to cite it as a reason of resigning his office in the NRM. The money being spent on Kazibwe and her family is enough to procure 2000 round uniports for 4000 soldiers now leaving in mud and wattle huts. And the sh5m for ‘facilitation’ is enough to build 1,200 low cost housing units. In Manjiya county, Mbale district 16,000 people have been gnashing their teeth in the cold for over a decade now.
At the time Uganda gained independence in 1962 there was a multi-party system based on religious, regional, ethnic and to some extent on traditional institutions. Despite these factional bases, there was a robust parliament especially between 1962 and 1966.
The government which was formed out of the coalition parties (UPC and KY) was however shortlived. In 1966, the differences between Kabaka Mutesa who doubled as the president of Uganda and the prime minister, became irreparable. This led to the weakening of the traditional base of power and the subsequent abrogation of the Independence Constitution. The crisis of 1966 was a culmination of internal wrangles. This should be compared with what is happening in the FDC, DP, NRM-O. This is what happened in the ‘60s:
lMutesa failed to agree with Prime minister Obote over the constitutional requirement to hold a referendum on the “lost counties.â€
l There was increased strength of the UPC as a result of MPs who crossed from DP and KY.
lThe demands by the traditionalists in Buganda that the central government should leave Buganda soil.
lThe suspicion that the Buganda government was importing arms to challenge the central government.
All the above conspired to foster military interventions into Uganda’s governance bringing to power one of the most illiterate and brutal military dictators in the world in the person of Idi Amin.
Such scenarios could perhaps be prevented if MPs were in constant contact with their constituents to solicit their views and give feedback on how these views have been balanced against those of other constituencies.
The writer is a tourism professional