What happened to the new African leaders?

By Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem The mid-1990s was a great period to be African. The elated sentiments were akin to the hopes and aspirations of Africans at the dawn of Uhuru in the 1960s. The liberation of South Africa from the racist apartheid system and the establishment of a non-racial post- apartheid democratic government, despite fears of explosions and implosions showcased Africa in a new light. The saintly leadership of Nelson Mandela with universal moral and political authority redeemed the erstwhile image of Africa and Africans as ‘hopeless and helpless’ or ‘basket case’ of the world. Mandela’s Vice President then, Thabo Mbeki, always playing the ‘philosopher king’ grafted from a different historical era, no matter how strictly inapplicable, ‘The African Renaissance’ characterised the generalised euphoria. The media lapped it up. It was so simple to understand even if it neither described nor explained much. Who cared for specificity when we were all high on hope? Accompanying the ‘renaissance’ metaphor was another popular notion: ‘New leaders in Africa’. Museveni, Meles, Afewerki, Kagame and later Kabila were supposed to be the torch bearers of this crop of leaders variously described as ‘assertive’, ‘intelligent’ ‘very independent’ ‘visionary’ ‘focused’ ‘ corruption- free’, ‘serious’, and the like. They outshone the former ‘progressive’ camp of coup plotters like Jerry Rawlings, Compaore and the older crop of ‘revolutionary’ leaders on the continent like Mugabe, Nujoma, Chissano or Dos Santos. What was unique about ‘the new leaders’ was perhaps the unprecedented Pan Africanist camaraderie amongst them in their struggles. Their movements either closely allied (TPLF and EPLF) or one grew out of the other (NRA and RPA) or brought to power by collective effort (Kabila by Rwanda and Uganda with support from Angola, Zimbabwe and later others too). Kabila and “Doctor Congo” (DRC) was going to prove to be the strongest and weakest link of this ‘new’ leadercentric and privatised Pan Africanist alliance. It was the finest and soon, the darkest hour. The rest is not history but tragic current affairs, of internecine war that has engulfed the whole region. Ethiopia and Eritrea fought two years’ war of great tragedy. Rwanda and Uganda, without any lessons from their Ethiopian and Eritrean counterparts, fought themselves in the Congo in addition to waging war alongside, and, against the Congolese. The current tensions between the two countries are developments from that debacle. What happened to the slogan: African solutions to African problems? It must be very embarrassing personally and politically for both President Museveni and President Kagame to have reduced the ‘African Solution to African problems’ to mediation by a British Secretary of state, no matter how friendly the Secretary is. Two neighbours, once close allies, having to travel all the way to London to resolve their differences. In a very sad but poignant symbol, after the photo opportunity at Downing street (apparently Blair had only a few minutes to spare, as he must have had other things on his mind) the ‘talks’ moved to Lancaster house, that famous centre for negotiating the terms of retreat or surrender between the British and their former colonies. If the British mediation fails, I suggest the two leaders go to Berlin, the site of Africa’s balkanisation. The past record does not inspire much confidence that this latest round of talks, despite public protestations to the contrary, will produce any significant rapprochement officially. There may not be open hostilities or war. There may be relocation of named ‘dissidents’ from both countries to third countries. How long will it take for current ones to be replaced by a new group who will become a new source of mutual recriminations? The problem has never been about talks but implementation and genuine will for peaceful coexistence despite differences. People talk about the clash of egos between the two presidents but what about their immediate military, security and intelligence supremos? They will say, ‘Yes, Afffande’ and carry on with their own wars of attrition. I have a very simple solution. The key personalities involved may be less than two dozen on both side and they are all AK47 experts. We should clear a neutral football field for them, match them General to General, Affande to Affande and let them settle it the best way they know. Why should ordinary soldiers or innocent civilians die? They do not need this war and they do not want it. The Uganda National Committee of the Pan African Movement is helping to give voice to the silent majority (who say NO to War) by organising a peace caravan, to Kigali, this weekend. The ‘right to peace’ is guaranteed in the African Charter on Human and people’s rights. We have tried all kinds of armed forces, regular and irregular and they have failed. Let us try the unarmed forces of the wananchi desiring peace! Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is the General-Secretary, Pan African Movement, based in Kampala, Uganda. Tajudeen28@hotmail.com or Pawlo@imul.com