Ten years since the RPF march to Rwanda

* People still fear to interact freely. It is still not easy for a Hutu to marry into a Tutsi family By Grace Matsiko OCTOBER 1, 1990 will forever recycle itself into the pages of military revolution as a day that brought both bloodshed and a delicate peace to Rwanda. Bodies of the victims of ethnic strife floated down River Kagera to Lake Victoria in the weeks that preceded the day the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPA) invaded Rwanda from Uganda. The small militant force was commanded by the late Maj. Gen. Fred Rwigyema, a former exile in Uganda. More was yet to come. On April 6, 1994, a plane carrying then Rwandan President Juvenile Habyarimana and his Burundi counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira, was hit by a missile as it was about to land at Kanombe Airport. The death of the President sparked off a countrywide killing of the minority Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The RPF mounted a big offensive on the government forces. On July 4, Kigali fell. The RPF, born in 1979, inherited a totally run down economy with a non-existent public service, a traumatised population and a huge international debt. Such were the challenges the RPF, which formed a national unity government, had to face. According to Dr. Charles Murigande, the RPF secretary general, the biggest achievement of the front was the removal of Habyarimana's regime. "We forced that power to go to Arusha (Tanzania) for peace talks which they did half heartedly. When they tried to renegade on the agreement, we forced it," Murigande says triumphantly. "Upon taking over power, the government of national unity began an uphill task of reversing the effects of decades of division and suspicion and bringing the Rwandese together after the terrible tragedy - the genocide. Progress in uniting people has been made." A unity and reconciliation commission under Alosea Inyumba, was set up resulting into the March 1999, grassroot elections in which Hutu and Tutsis voted on the basis of merit not ethnicity. The creation of this body has, however, not totally healed the nation. Steven Ndoli (not real name), a prominent Hutu complains that government jobs have not been fairly distributed. "People here are not appointed on merit but on how close they are to the RPF, thereby excluding the Hutus who are not RPF members," he says. Ndoli casts doubt on the unity and reconciliation commission. "This commission was there to please donors. It is influenced by the people in power. If you are a Tutsi, you will not get a job in it," he says. Albert, another Hutu who lived in Uganda, complains there is unfair distribution of wealth among the two ethnic groups in Rwanda. "There are few Hutus in high positions. They have been sidelined. In fact if you look at accessing loans from banks, it is the Tutsis who have benefited because they are given backing by their people in high offices," he says. "We are yet to achieve unity. People still fear to interact freely. It is still not easy to marry from a Tutsi family," he adds. Murigande says, had RPF not been accommodative, the ex-speaker, Kabuye Sebarenzi, now in exile and a critic of Kagame's government, would not have had the chance to become a speaker in the first place. "It wasn't a sign of weakness for RPF to interest other people in the management of national affairs," Murigande said in defence. There have been reports that the removal of Sebarenzi from the assembly and the subsequent resignation of President Pasteur Bizimungu was a result of failure by RPF to open up to divergent views. Government institutions have largely been patronised by the people with high connections in the political circles. For instance it is a common sight to meet security personnel with pistols slung on their waists in non-military establishments. Late last year, about 100 university students fled Rwanda to Uganda. An incident critics say is intolerance by the RPF led government. Emmanuel Mugabo, a community worker says, the fact that there were few cases of revenge by the Tutsis was a big boost to the RPF. A senior RPA commander said soldiers who killed in revenge of their dead relatives were shot as a deterrent measure. Following the civil strife, democratic institutions were not spared. An issue RPF had to handle. The government moved a step further to give power to the people by electing their own leaders right from the commune level. Laws for instance have been passed by the transitional national assembly to create checks and balances against abuse of power and corruption. The country will soon begin a process of drafting a new constitution, an official in the justice ministry said. On the justice front, about 2,133 genocidaires will be tried in conventional courts while those assumed to have committed less serious offences will be tried in community courts known as gacaca. Records at the ministry of finance show that inflation has come down from 22% in 1995 to 5% in 1999. The economy is growing at an annual average of 11% since 1995. Kigali is awash with new buildings but the poor still live in squalid houses dotting the surrounding hills. The lucky ones stay in Midugudu, crowded estates built by the UN. Forty six parastatals have been listed for a complete sale and shares in 18 others are to be sold to core investors. To-date, 25 state enterprises have been sold. According to a lecturer at the National University of Butare, government plans to introduce Universal Elementary Education, a system similar to Uganda's Universal Primary Education. A former military academy in Kigali has been transformed into a modern institute of Science and Technology. The institute also hosts the African Virtual University to provide technical skills. "By the grace of God we have been successful," Murigande proclaims adding, "We have put in place guarantees to empower the people so that what we have achieved is not lost." But all has not been smooth sailing for the RPF. Murigande considers Rwanda's involvement in the Congo as the country's biggest set back but adds that the government did it for the survival of its nationals. Though the move has largely tamed the Interahamwe militia based in the vast Congo forests, it has not wiped them out. They still carry out raids inside the tiny Central African country. On the economic front, Alice Uwimana, a dealer in electronics, and Apollo Ruvusha, complained that the RPF has killed their business by imposing high taxes. Other traders say they have been driven out of business due to high rate of smuggling from Uganda, Tanzania, Congo and Burundi. A textile dealer, Patrick Ainemukunzi, a former exile from Uganda, complained that he lost the little he had when he returned from exile due to what he called poor government policies. "I regret coming here. The government policies are bad. They have killed our business and no one is caring," he said. An official with an international aid agency, said the delayed recovery of the economy has impacted negatively on the population citing increased number of girls getting involved in prostitution as the only way of survival. "The economy is yet to recover. There are very few jobs despite a promise by government to create jobs," the official added. The New Vision saw young girls between 13 and 19 years selling sex at Nyamirambo, a city suburb. Some desperate ones accept as low as RF500 (about sh1,250), enough to buy two bottles of soda. It is no doubt that the RPF has made significant strides in stabilising the economy and general security. However, it is still a long way off from the minimum standards of a democracy. The parliament, the opposition and the media are still very weak, giving the country's strongman, Kagame, a one-man show. Ends.