How NRM beats others in intra-party democracy

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OPINION

By Amb. Henry Mayega

Uganda’s democratic bar has, during the Yoweri Museveni administration, been raised to unprecedented levels, rendering several old and new parties on the country’s political canvas lame ducks and unable to cope with the dictates of the Political Parties and Organisations (PPOA) Act, 2005.

The resumption of political party activities after the referendum of 2005 as a consequence of the enactment of political parties and organisations law, the renaissance of the rule law in 1986 devoid of extrajudicial killings that had dogged the country before plus the bounteous dividends of peace, security and tranquillity for the last four decades have all combined to befuddle not only Uganda’s independence parties like the UPC, CP and DP, but also the fledgling political nymphs like FDC and NUP and scores of other upstarts.

It is noteworthy that the independence parties chiefly operated in a lawless environment in the 1960s, which permitted political overreach in many ways. First, with the current rising political temperatures due to the upcoming election season, some of those nymphs have either sold candidacies for various electoral positions to the highest bidders by cobbling together small cabals of oligarchs in their party headquarters’ droughty rooms or appointed family and gullible flag bearers for various electoral offices. By doing so, they have fragrantly flouted the length and breadth of the PPOA provisions.

NUP, for instance, is said to have recently convened a secret delegates conference of 120 people to ostensibly rubber stamp Bobi Wine and a couple of others for the top jobs in their nestling party.

If the EC elected to pursue the provisions of the PPOA, that Bwaise-based party would have been sanctioned.

Secondly, on the other hand, the NRM has methodically and in accordance with the PPOA religiously undertaken the pre-primary election processes of registering candidates in preparation for the internal elections for all the echelons of the party as well as the national elections. All these things have been made possible in the NRM thanks to Uganda’s best President since independence, Yoweri Museveni, whose stewardship has cultivated and buttressed the democratic culture that was practised during the five-year bush war.

The political calculus here is that you can’t give to others what you don’t have; as others merchandise in candidatures, the NRM has nurtured intra-party democracy in accordance with the law.

Thirdly, all Uganda’s independence parties, having initially responded to the fight to obtain our independence; their leaderships were largely clueless about planning for the political exigencies of post-independent Uganda. They have always tried to punch above their weight during all past electoral and non-electoral seasons by introducing small doses of democracy and lip-servicing the processes thereof to no avail. They also, for example, didn’t have the dexterity and temerity to juggle global influences vis-à-vis the interests of the ever-recalcitrant national constituents.

The newer parties are not any better; they have had their behaviour thoroughly controlled by the invisible hands of foreign interests; which is why their leaders cluelessly gravitate towards western capitals to accuse the NRM whenever the going gets tough here. And because of that, the bombastic Ugandan voter has made them pay a hefty political price at every round of polls.

Fourthly, whereas the governing party will in due course have its national conference preceded by its other organs like the national executive committee and the central executive committee, such a sequence of democratic meetings is largely unheard of in Uganda’s opposition parties.

Fifthly, the level of tribalism in Uganda’s opposition parties is unprecedented, and it can’t permit the growth of internal democracy. Whereas the UPC is largely a Lango affair, the NUP and DP have remained Buganda phenomena.

Lastly, when all parties are scale-weighted, the NRM has performed best by respecting the provisions of the PPOA, which amongst others stipulate: the 30% women and youth representation throughout party governance committees, accountability for government funding and parties’ participation in IPOD, etc.

The writer is a diplomat