The NRM must rise to the challenges
Oct 05, 2006
EITHER the mainstream Uganda media trivialised the just concluded three-day cabinet retreat, or the “sleeping,†ministers and permanent secretaries said nothing useful and substantial.
EITHER the mainstream Uganda media trivialised the just concluded three-day cabinet retreat, or the “sleeping,†ministers and permanent secretaries said nothing useful and substantial.
And so when the Vice-President Prof. Gilbert Bukenya was reported to have advocated a “strong presidency,’ during the retreat it sent me wondering whether President Yoweri Museveni’s appointment of “sleeping and self-important,†ministers, and permanent secretaries was a sign of a weak presidency.
George W. Bush is a modern imperial president but whose style is described in some US circles as “disdainful†because he publicly demeans people, and is said to like farting before junior White House staff to show his powers knowing they can’t return the favour, and one hopes that Bukenya is not seeking such a “strong presidencyâ€.
Two months ago, Prime Minister Apolo Nsibambi lamented that leading politicians, and ordinary people were “pressuring†Museveni for petty personal favours like attending their weddings.
Now the complaints from some ministers led by state minister for animal husbandry Maj. (Rtd) Bright Rwamirama that they have no access to Museveni is lending credence to Nsibambi’s lamentation otherwise why should a junior minister seek direct presidential attention, when, there is a line cabinet minister, and Prime Minister above him?
Criticisms against the 6th and 7th parliaments, and civil servants are so frequent that it deserves comment from within the NRM. Yes, our political elite were unreasonably insensitive against the Bujagali hydro-power project, the defunct Uganda Airlines, land to strategic investors, UPDF entry into Congo, Operation Iron Fist against the LRA in Sudan, and using the military to crack down on violent criminal gangs. In fact if Museveni had conceded to the 6th parliament over the then ailing banks, and the sale of UCB, there would be no financial sector today as a mafia had connived to ruin the economy. It was good he took strong and decisive steps to close down those banks and sent some culprits to jail, although others like Dr Sulaiman Kiggundu are returning under the guise of opposition politics.
However, the existing constitutional framework gives the president sufficient powers to greatly influence state matters although his frustration is understandable when major policies get grid-locked in subterfuge and insufficient consultations. If the executive was better prepared, coordinated, and held timely and sufficient consultations with its supportive MPs and the public, the tiny opposition of less than 30 percent in parliament and the country would have nowhere to pass.
As president, chief executive and commander-in-chief, Museveni presides over the executive branch of close to a million officials including the armed and intelligence services, which is the core of the state. In addition, he has major legislative and judicial powers because most laws and appointments come from and are signed by him. Within the executive he has broad powers to manage national affairs by issuing rules, regulations, and instructions or creating new departments using executive orders, which don’t require parliamentary approval but have legal effect.
Even the now misplaced hullabaloo over land allocation to key investors would not arise because through appropriate directives to the Ministry of Lands, Uganda Land Commission and Uganda Investment Authority, investors would get the land they desire without frequent direct presidential intervention. Similarly, obstruction by bureaucratic red tape would not arise because it is the president who appoints all the high level officers of government like ministers, permanent secretaries, judges, DPP, and IGG from whom he can demand performance or changes them in case of failure. Apart from appointing judges, the constitution empowers the president to grant full and unconditional pardon to any convicted criminal.
And in spite of the constitutional provision that parliament is the supreme legislative organ as the chief public policy maker, the president has major legislative roles because he initiates, signs into law, and can veto decision unless over-ridden by two-thirds of all MPs.
Under the current multiparty system, the NRM has an absolute majority in parliament and district councils, which makes it very easy to pass and implement policies for transformation without much complaint.
As leader of a majority party, Museveni is in a position to influence public opinion and thereby the course of public policy.
To improve coordination, both the NRM and State House can establish liaison offices to keep abreast with crucial parliamentary business, and to persuade MPs, and civil servants to support those policies.
In foreign relations, the president has wide powers to enter treaties with or declare war against foreign governments, and nations.
Even where parliament may be an obstacle like declaration of war, he can always go in first, and explain and seek approval in retrospect. Obviously, Museveni faces many constraints particularly from the unresponsive bureaucracy, which is difficult to manage and to change direction. The euphoria the NRM, and Museveni enjoyed 20 years ago has also slipped leading to constant criticism by supporters, opponents, and the media who sometimes don’t even remember the great stride Uganda has made. But that is their right and duty to which the NRM woke them and promised to do better than previous regimes. Having got popular mandate the new NRM must rise to the present challenges without complaining too much.
As Museveni complains, he should appreciate that he enjoys unique positions from which to articulate ideas that have better chances of entering public consciousness than those of those of any other Ugandan, in or outside office.
Ends
And so when the Vice-President Prof. Gilbert Bukenya was reported to have advocated a “strong presidency,’ during the retreat it sent me wondering whether President Yoweri Museveni’s appointment of “sleeping and self-important,†ministers, and permanent secretaries was a sign of a weak presidency.
George W. Bush is a modern imperial president but whose style is described in some US circles as “disdainful†because he publicly demeans people, and is said to like farting before junior White House staff to show his powers knowing they can’t return the favour, and one hopes that Bukenya is not seeking such a “strong presidencyâ€.
Two months ago, Prime Minister Apolo Nsibambi lamented that leading politicians, and ordinary people were “pressuring†Museveni for petty personal favours like attending their weddings.
Now the complaints from some ministers led by state minister for animal husbandry Maj. (Rtd) Bright Rwamirama that they have no access to Museveni is lending credence to Nsibambi’s lamentation otherwise why should a junior minister seek direct presidential attention, when, there is a line cabinet minister, and Prime Minister above him?
Criticisms against the 6th and 7th parliaments, and civil servants are so frequent that it deserves comment from within the NRM. Yes, our political elite were unreasonably insensitive against the Bujagali hydro-power project, the defunct Uganda Airlines, land to strategic investors, UPDF entry into Congo, Operation Iron Fist against the LRA in Sudan, and using the military to crack down on violent criminal gangs. In fact if Museveni had conceded to the 6th parliament over the then ailing banks, and the sale of UCB, there would be no financial sector today as a mafia had connived to ruin the economy. It was good he took strong and decisive steps to close down those banks and sent some culprits to jail, although others like Dr Sulaiman Kiggundu are returning under the guise of opposition politics.
However, the existing constitutional framework gives the president sufficient powers to greatly influence state matters although his frustration is understandable when major policies get grid-locked in subterfuge and insufficient consultations. If the executive was better prepared, coordinated, and held timely and sufficient consultations with its supportive MPs and the public, the tiny opposition of less than 30 percent in parliament and the country would have nowhere to pass.
As president, chief executive and commander-in-chief, Museveni presides over the executive branch of close to a million officials including the armed and intelligence services, which is the core of the state. In addition, he has major legislative and judicial powers because most laws and appointments come from and are signed by him. Within the executive he has broad powers to manage national affairs by issuing rules, regulations, and instructions or creating new departments using executive orders, which don’t require parliamentary approval but have legal effect.
Even the now misplaced hullabaloo over land allocation to key investors would not arise because through appropriate directives to the Ministry of Lands, Uganda Land Commission and Uganda Investment Authority, investors would get the land they desire without frequent direct presidential intervention. Similarly, obstruction by bureaucratic red tape would not arise because it is the president who appoints all the high level officers of government like ministers, permanent secretaries, judges, DPP, and IGG from whom he can demand performance or changes them in case of failure. Apart from appointing judges, the constitution empowers the president to grant full and unconditional pardon to any convicted criminal.
And in spite of the constitutional provision that parliament is the supreme legislative organ as the chief public policy maker, the president has major legislative roles because he initiates, signs into law, and can veto decision unless over-ridden by two-thirds of all MPs.
Under the current multiparty system, the NRM has an absolute majority in parliament and district councils, which makes it very easy to pass and implement policies for transformation without much complaint.
As leader of a majority party, Museveni is in a position to influence public opinion and thereby the course of public policy.
To improve coordination, both the NRM and State House can establish liaison offices to keep abreast with crucial parliamentary business, and to persuade MPs, and civil servants to support those policies.
In foreign relations, the president has wide powers to enter treaties with or declare war against foreign governments, and nations.
Even where parliament may be an obstacle like declaration of war, he can always go in first, and explain and seek approval in retrospect. Obviously, Museveni faces many constraints particularly from the unresponsive bureaucracy, which is difficult to manage and to change direction. The euphoria the NRM, and Museveni enjoyed 20 years ago has also slipped leading to constant criticism by supporters, opponents, and the media who sometimes don’t even remember the great stride Uganda has made. But that is their right and duty to which the NRM woke them and promised to do better than previous regimes. Having got popular mandate the new NRM must rise to the present challenges without complaining too much.
As Museveni complains, he should appreciate that he enjoys unique positions from which to articulate ideas that have better chances of entering public consciousness than those of those of any other Ugandan, in or outside office.
Ends