Opposition its own enemy
Apr 06, 2004
IN its latest report: ‘Global Corruption Report 2004’, which was launched recently, Transparency International argues that the lack of a functioning political opposition has facilitated corruption in Uganda.
IN its latest report: ‘Global Corruption Report 2004’, which was launched recently, Transparency International argues that the lack of a functioning political opposition has facilitated corruption in Uganda.
A strong opposition, in my view, is a pre-requisite in any democracy.
Experience has shown that a government without an effective opposition tends to become insensitive to problems of the electorate and eventually gets saddled with corruption.
It is important that during the constitutional review, provisions are made to entrench a system that allows the opposition to function effectively and play its role. There should be constitutional guarantees for the opposition to operate.
It is a valid observation that Uganda lacks a functioning opposition. I do not, however, think that it is just the restrictions imposed on the political parties that are responsible for this state of affairs.
The current legal framework is unfavourable, but this is not the only reason for the opposition’s impotency. My view is that the opposition political parties and organisations have been engaged in self-destruction.
Parties have internal problems and they are not taking any serious steps to deal with these problems.
All the old parties-DP, UPC and CP are deeply split into factions. The DP’s 50th anniversary celebrations, for example, turned out to be an affair for the Ssemogerere faction. The Francis Bwengye faction leaders were conspicuously absent and the DP Parliamentary Caucus boycotted the celebrations.
The event therefore that DP could have used to demonstrate its strength was not only a wasted opportunity, but left the party leaders even more divided.
DP’s youth affiliate, the Uganda Young Democrats (UYD), is also as split into several rival factions as the mother party. Each UYD faction is busy discrediting the other. For a number of years, UYD has not been able to convene a national executive committee meeting or national conference. It has not been able to hold elections for the national executive. What has stopped UYD from holding national leadership elections?
The state of affairs in the DP and UYD more or less is what also obtains in the rest of the parties. The parties argue, rightly or wrongly, that it is the Movement masterminding and financing the splits as a strategy to destabilise them.
If there were no internal conflicts in the Parties, they would not have been vulnerable to manipulation by rival forces. It also appears parties have become infested with opportunistic elements.
Since parties are desperately looking for followers, the opportunistic elements have found it easy to position themselves strategically within the parties. This has been evident in the current ‘consultations’ with the Government team headed by Dr. Crispus Kiyonga.
The opposition parties, first and foremost, need to sort out their leadership wrangles. Bogged down by the leadership wrangles, parties won’t be able to have an impact on the management of the political transition. Parties need to show that they are serious political players.
A strong opposition, in my view, is a pre-requisite in any democracy.
Experience has shown that a government without an effective opposition tends to become insensitive to problems of the electorate and eventually gets saddled with corruption.
It is important that during the constitutional review, provisions are made to entrench a system that allows the opposition to function effectively and play its role. There should be constitutional guarantees for the opposition to operate.
It is a valid observation that Uganda lacks a functioning opposition. I do not, however, think that it is just the restrictions imposed on the political parties that are responsible for this state of affairs.
The current legal framework is unfavourable, but this is not the only reason for the opposition’s impotency. My view is that the opposition political parties and organisations have been engaged in self-destruction.
Parties have internal problems and they are not taking any serious steps to deal with these problems.
All the old parties-DP, UPC and CP are deeply split into factions. The DP’s 50th anniversary celebrations, for example, turned out to be an affair for the Ssemogerere faction. The Francis Bwengye faction leaders were conspicuously absent and the DP Parliamentary Caucus boycotted the celebrations.
The event therefore that DP could have used to demonstrate its strength was not only a wasted opportunity, but left the party leaders even more divided.
DP’s youth affiliate, the Uganda Young Democrats (UYD), is also as split into several rival factions as the mother party. Each UYD faction is busy discrediting the other. For a number of years, UYD has not been able to convene a national executive committee meeting or national conference. It has not been able to hold elections for the national executive. What has stopped UYD from holding national leadership elections?
The state of affairs in the DP and UYD more or less is what also obtains in the rest of the parties. The parties argue, rightly or wrongly, that it is the Movement masterminding and financing the splits as a strategy to destabilise them.
If there were no internal conflicts in the Parties, they would not have been vulnerable to manipulation by rival forces. It also appears parties have become infested with opportunistic elements.
Since parties are desperately looking for followers, the opportunistic elements have found it easy to position themselves strategically within the parties. This has been evident in the current ‘consultations’ with the Government team headed by Dr. Crispus Kiyonga.
The opposition parties, first and foremost, need to sort out their leadership wrangles. Bogged down by the leadership wrangles, parties won’t be able to have an impact on the management of the political transition. Parties need to show that they are serious political players.