How did NRM win over the youth?
Mar 25, 2011
WHEN President Museveni sang <i>Mpenkoni</i>, members of the opposition mocked him, saying he had stooped too low. Little did they know that it was part of a strategy to woo youthful voters. And it worked.
By John Semakula
WHEN President Museveni sang Mpenkoni, members of the opposition mocked him, saying he had stooped too low. Little did they know that it was part of a strategy to woo youthful voters. And it worked.
Electoral Commission statistics indicate that out of the 13 million voters in Uganda, 7.5 million are youth. There is no way Museveni could have won the presidential elections without them.
During the 2001 and 2006 presidential elections, a significant number of the youth supported the Democratic Party (DP) and the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). The majority of the youth who backed the opposition then ranged from the poor, who were doing the odd jobs, to unemployed graduates. They felt that NRM had neglected them.
DP mobilised such desperate youth to form its youth wing, the Uganda Young Democrats (UYD). The UYD then campaigned vigorously for FDC’s Col. Kizza Besigye in 2001 when their party’s leadership formed an alliance with him.
The NRM had founded a youth wing called Uganda Young Movement (UYM) but it could not match the might of DP’s UYD. The UYD youth had party spirit at heart and participated in their party activities even without resources.
Not surprisingly, President Yoweri Museveni’s votes had reduced from 69% in 2001 to 59% in 2006 and party leaders blamed it on failure to bring the youth on board.
The NRM leaders did not take the issue of the youth lightly. They devised strategies of winning them over in 2011.
Amama Mbabazi, the party’s secretary general, traversed the country highlighting the achievements of the NRM to the youth and mobilising them to support the party.
Many NRM MPs who had also discovered the importance of the youth targeted them. They facilitated youth groups in their constituencies using the Constituency Development Fund (CDF). It is not surprising that most of the MPs who used this strategy easily found their way back easily to the 9th Parliament, while their counterparts who ignored the youth were trounced.
Those who followed Museveni’s campaign closely must have noticed that this time round he rarely made reference to past leaders. He must have realised that most of today’s voters were either children or not yet born by the time he came to power, so they had no real experience with past governments.
He, therefore, concentrated on current issues affecting the youth rather than go on about how his government is better than past regimes.
For instance, while Museveni was traversing the country to oversee NAADS and other government’s programme last year, many youths complained to him that it was mostly the older and richer people in society who were benefiting.
Whenever the youth complained to him that they were not benefiting from NAADS, he called NAADS officials and asked them to explain why they were not performing.
For those who gave unconvincing answers, Museveni threatened to take punitive action including firing them from office. Such immediate response and action left the youth happy and contented that the President was acting on their demands.
For the educated youths who were unemployed, President Museveni repeatedly made it clear that his government would create more jobs by attracting investors to the country.
In addition, the creation of new districts also created jobs for a big number of the idle graduates.
Before the 2006 elections, there were 56 districts in Uganda but as the elections approached, the number of districts surged to 79. From 2006 to 2011, 33 new districts have been created. In total, the new districts have created a total of 4,290 job openings.
NRM strategists also knew the youth do not love work without play. They knew music would be the answer. They routinely hired popular musicians like Eddie Kenzo, Coco Finger, Doctor Hilderman, Mega Dee, Bebe Cool, Juliana Kanyomozi and Phina Mugerwa to perform during Museveni’s rallies.
They youth, who would normally pay between sh5,000 and 10,000 to watch such musicians, were delighted to watch them for free at campaign rallies.
Indeed the function at which Museveni first sang Mpenkoni was a youth concert organised by the NRM. Since then, even extremists who do not like Museveni cannot ignore the song.
They must have learnt a lesson from Barrack Obama, who used information technology to win over the youth. Obama used Internet applications such as facebook, as well as robo-calls. Museveni knew that most Ugandans do not have access to the Internet, but most of them have mobile phones. He, therefore, concentrated on robo-calls. People recieved calls with a pre-recorded message from of Museveni asking them to vote NRM.
Some were irritated by the uninvited calls, while others were unhappy that they were hearing only a recorded message. But most of those who received it were mesmerised. Even after elections, Museveni sent text messages thanking voters for choosing him.
In his opinion published in the of March 7 on factors behind NRM’s victory, Museveni commended the youth for the role they played in the campaigns. He compared their role to that of the young of a warthog when it is attacked by dogs. He said that after reproducing young ones, a warthog cannot be killed by dogs because its young ones defend it.
Museveni said the youth were indeed adding value to NRM and criticised the elders in the party who resented them. He noted that the NRM youth never left anything to chance. He praised them for understanding the media and using it to take on the opposition.
He listed three youth, Mohammed Nsereko, the Kampala Central MP elect, Ronald Kibule, the Mukono North MP elect and Caroline Akao, a youth in Amolatar district, among others, as having played a key role in the campaigns.
As Museveni reached out to the youth countrywide, opposition leaders concentrated on their activities in Kampala. They drew significant media attention through unsuccessful, Kampala-based efforts to rally all opposition parties against one candidate and to have the Electoral Commission removed.
Museveni’s main challenger, Dr. Kizza Besigye, also traversed the country prior to the 2011 general elections, but his efforts were in the trading centres. He missed an opportunity to reach out to rural youth, who are the majority.
In effect they had handed over the youth to Museveni. During the NRM victory celebrations, which were held at Kololo Airstrip, Museveni introduced a chain of former opposition party youth who crossed over to NRM. Some had been impressed by the NRM’s renewed focus on the youth, while others were tired of supporting a candidate who always lost elections.
However, Dr. Aaron Mukwaya, a political analyst from the faculty of Social Sciences at Makerere University said all presidential candidates in the recent elections had similar manifestoes but Museveni was wise enough to bring in the element of music which made him different from the rest. “It is the youth who mostly enjoy going to the disco. As they danced to the tune, Mpenkoni, Museveni won them to his camp,†Mukwaya explained.
He adds that the use of music to win support was not new in the politics of Uganda. He says in 1966, major parties like UPC, DP and KY used music performances to win support.
What Museveni promised the youth
In Uganda, the youth are categorised as people between the ages of 18 and 35. The most pressing things that affect the youth are unemployment, poverty, illiteracy, exploitation, disease and gender discrimination.
To deal with those issues the NRM put a policy for the youth in its manifesto.
One of the plans in the policy is to extend financial services, like SACCOs to the youth at all sub-county levels throughout the country, as a means of empowering them economically. Museveni’s government also plans to initiate the Youth Enterprise Capital Fund to help the youth fight the abject poverty.
Another plan is to promote gender equity and equality, plus extending programmes that eliminate gender based violence and discrimination.
To solve unemployment among the youth, the NRM plans to pursue an aggressive programme for job creation in various sectors of the economy. NRM wants to achieve this by encouraging foreign and local investors.
The other plan is to increase youth involvement in decision making and leadership at various levels. This is in addition to building capacity and providing relevant training to the youth.
Youth speak out on why they voted Museveni
Joan Aloy, 27, a resident of Kamwokya in Kampala Central Division said the success of Universal Primary Education and Universal Secondary Education made Museveni popular. “During campaigns, the youth moved from door to door, telling fellow youth they were products of UPE who had now graduated,†she explained
Muzafaru Kangabe, 28, a boda boda cyclists and a resident of Mityana, said Museveni’s commitment to peace in the country increased his support among the youth. He said parents always told them stories of insecurity during past regimes and the youth did not want the country to go back to the previous times.
Lucas Labejja, 26, a resident of Kisugu, Makindye Division, said he voted NRM because the party is well organised. Labejja said he defected from DP after the opposition failed to unite. He added that President Museveni’s manifesto had some solutions to problems affecting the youth.
Tadeo Kasaija, 35, a market vendor said Museveni’s campaign style was dramatic. He said Museveni’s song won over the youth to his side.
COMPILED BY RICHARD OLWENYI
WHEN President Museveni sang Mpenkoni, members of the opposition mocked him, saying he had stooped too low. Little did they know that it was part of a strategy to woo youthful voters. And it worked.
Electoral Commission statistics indicate that out of the 13 million voters in Uganda, 7.5 million are youth. There is no way Museveni could have won the presidential elections without them.
During the 2001 and 2006 presidential elections, a significant number of the youth supported the Democratic Party (DP) and the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). The majority of the youth who backed the opposition then ranged from the poor, who were doing the odd jobs, to unemployed graduates. They felt that NRM had neglected them.
DP mobilised such desperate youth to form its youth wing, the Uganda Young Democrats (UYD). The UYD then campaigned vigorously for FDC’s Col. Kizza Besigye in 2001 when their party’s leadership formed an alliance with him.
The NRM had founded a youth wing called Uganda Young Movement (UYM) but it could not match the might of DP’s UYD. The UYD youth had party spirit at heart and participated in their party activities even without resources.
Not surprisingly, President Yoweri Museveni’s votes had reduced from 69% in 2001 to 59% in 2006 and party leaders blamed it on failure to bring the youth on board.
The NRM leaders did not take the issue of the youth lightly. They devised strategies of winning them over in 2011.
Amama Mbabazi, the party’s secretary general, traversed the country highlighting the achievements of the NRM to the youth and mobilising them to support the party.
Many NRM MPs who had also discovered the importance of the youth targeted them. They facilitated youth groups in their constituencies using the Constituency Development Fund (CDF). It is not surprising that most of the MPs who used this strategy easily found their way back easily to the 9th Parliament, while their counterparts who ignored the youth were trounced.
Those who followed Museveni’s campaign closely must have noticed that this time round he rarely made reference to past leaders. He must have realised that most of today’s voters were either children or not yet born by the time he came to power, so they had no real experience with past governments.
He, therefore, concentrated on current issues affecting the youth rather than go on about how his government is better than past regimes.
For instance, while Museveni was traversing the country to oversee NAADS and other government’s programme last year, many youths complained to him that it was mostly the older and richer people in society who were benefiting.
Whenever the youth complained to him that they were not benefiting from NAADS, he called NAADS officials and asked them to explain why they were not performing.
For those who gave unconvincing answers, Museveni threatened to take punitive action including firing them from office. Such immediate response and action left the youth happy and contented that the President was acting on their demands.
For the educated youths who were unemployed, President Museveni repeatedly made it clear that his government would create more jobs by attracting investors to the country.
In addition, the creation of new districts also created jobs for a big number of the idle graduates.
Before the 2006 elections, there were 56 districts in Uganda but as the elections approached, the number of districts surged to 79. From 2006 to 2011, 33 new districts have been created. In total, the new districts have created a total of 4,290 job openings.
NRM strategists also knew the youth do not love work without play. They knew music would be the answer. They routinely hired popular musicians like Eddie Kenzo, Coco Finger, Doctor Hilderman, Mega Dee, Bebe Cool, Juliana Kanyomozi and Phina Mugerwa to perform during Museveni’s rallies.
They youth, who would normally pay between sh5,000 and 10,000 to watch such musicians, were delighted to watch them for free at campaign rallies.
Indeed the function at which Museveni first sang Mpenkoni was a youth concert organised by the NRM. Since then, even extremists who do not like Museveni cannot ignore the song.
They must have learnt a lesson from Barrack Obama, who used information technology to win over the youth. Obama used Internet applications such as facebook, as well as robo-calls. Museveni knew that most Ugandans do not have access to the Internet, but most of them have mobile phones. He, therefore, concentrated on robo-calls. People recieved calls with a pre-recorded message from of Museveni asking them to vote NRM.
Some were irritated by the uninvited calls, while others were unhappy that they were hearing only a recorded message. But most of those who received it were mesmerised. Even after elections, Museveni sent text messages thanking voters for choosing him.
In his opinion published in the
Museveni said the youth were indeed adding value to NRM and criticised the elders in the party who resented them. He noted that the NRM youth never left anything to chance. He praised them for understanding the media and using it to take on the opposition.
He listed three youth, Mohammed Nsereko, the Kampala Central MP elect, Ronald Kibule, the Mukono North MP elect and Caroline Akao, a youth in Amolatar district, among others, as having played a key role in the campaigns.
As Museveni reached out to the youth countrywide, opposition leaders concentrated on their activities in Kampala. They drew significant media attention through unsuccessful, Kampala-based efforts to rally all opposition parties against one candidate and to have the Electoral Commission removed.
Museveni’s main challenger, Dr. Kizza Besigye, also traversed the country prior to the 2011 general elections, but his efforts were in the trading centres. He missed an opportunity to reach out to rural youth, who are the majority.
In effect they had handed over the youth to Museveni. During the NRM victory celebrations, which were held at Kololo Airstrip, Museveni introduced a chain of former opposition party youth who crossed over to NRM. Some had been impressed by the NRM’s renewed focus on the youth, while others were tired of supporting a candidate who always lost elections.
However, Dr. Aaron Mukwaya, a political analyst from the faculty of Social Sciences at Makerere University said all presidential candidates in the recent elections had similar manifestoes but Museveni was wise enough to bring in the element of music which made him different from the rest. “It is the youth who mostly enjoy going to the disco. As they danced to the tune, Mpenkoni, Museveni won them to his camp,†Mukwaya explained.
He adds that the use of music to win support was not new in the politics of Uganda. He says in 1966, major parties like UPC, DP and KY used music performances to win support.
What Museveni promised the youth
In Uganda, the youth are categorised as people between the ages of 18 and 35. The most pressing things that affect the youth are unemployment, poverty, illiteracy, exploitation, disease and gender discrimination.
To deal with those issues the NRM put a policy for the youth in its manifesto.
One of the plans in the policy is to extend financial services, like SACCOs to the youth at all sub-county levels throughout the country, as a means of empowering them economically. Museveni’s government also plans to initiate the Youth Enterprise Capital Fund to help the youth fight the abject poverty.
Another plan is to promote gender equity and equality, plus extending programmes that eliminate gender based violence and discrimination.
To solve unemployment among the youth, the NRM plans to pursue an aggressive programme for job creation in various sectors of the economy. NRM wants to achieve this by encouraging foreign and local investors.
The other plan is to increase youth involvement in decision making and leadership at various levels. This is in addition to building capacity and providing relevant training to the youth.
Youth speak out on why they voted Museveni
Joan Aloy, 27, a resident of Kamwokya in Kampala Central Division said the success of Universal Primary Education and Universal Secondary Education made Museveni popular. “During campaigns, the youth moved from door to door, telling fellow youth they were products of UPE who had now graduated,†she explained
Muzafaru Kangabe, 28, a boda boda cyclists and a resident of Mityana, said Museveni’s commitment to peace in the country increased his support among the youth. He said parents always told them stories of insecurity during past regimes and the youth did not want the country to go back to the previous times.
Lucas Labejja, 26, a resident of Kisugu, Makindye Division, said he voted NRM because the party is well organised. Labejja said he defected from DP after the opposition failed to unite. He added that President Museveni’s manifesto had some solutions to problems affecting the youth.
Tadeo Kasaija, 35, a market vendor said Museveni’s campaign style was dramatic. He said Museveni’s song won over the youth to his side.
COMPILED BY RICHARD OLWENYI